“Ponzi Pete” Buttigieg Proposes More Unsustainable Entitlements

On the campaign trail for the Democratic presidential nomination, South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg tries to portray himself as a moderate politician. By running ads against implementing a single-payer health system, Buttigieg would have voters believe he rejects the radical leftism of socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders.

Don’t you believe it. Buttigieg recently released an aging and retirement plan that proposed massive amounts of new entitlement spending, with very little in the way of specifics to pay for all his ideas. It’s but the latest example of Democrats’ government giveaway train run amok.

CLASS Act ‘Ponzi Scheme’

The first part of Buttigieg’s paper talks about an “historic” new program, Long-Term Care America. The mayor claims this plan would provide aid to seniors “who require assistance with two or more activities of daily living….Benefits would be worth $90 per day for as long as [seniors] need care, and kick in after an income-related waiting period.”

But Title VIII of Obamacare contained language establishing the Community Living Assistance Services and Supports (CLASS) program. Moderate Democrats attacked the proposal as unsustainable. Prior to Obamacare’s enactment, Sen. Kent Conrad (D-N.D.), then the chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, called CLASS a “Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing Bernie Madoff would have been proud of.” Those concerns ultimately proved correct, as the Obama administration had to shelve the program as unworkable before it ever collected a dime in premiums.

As a Senate staffer conducting oversight on CLASS, and later as a member of the Commission on Long-Term Care tasked with examining possible replacements, I examined the program’s failure in minute detail. But at bottom, the program suffered from the same problem facing the Obamacare exchanges: Too many sick people signing up for benefits, driving up premiums, and therefore driving away healthy individuals.

Obamacare required individuals to pay into the CLASS program for only five years to qualify for benefits. Actuaries believed that people would sign up, pay a few thousand dollars in premiums over five years, and then collect benefits totaling tens of thousands of dollars or more. Just as Obamacare’s pre-existing condition provisions have priced millions of people out of coverage—because individuals can sign up for “insurance” after they develop a pre-existing condition—so too would CLASS have attracted people already suffering from disabilities, who by definition don’t need insurance so much as they need care.

The exchanges have remained somewhat sustainable only because of massive amounts of federal spending on subsidies and bailouts. However, Obamacare forced CLASS to become self-sustaining, without relying on federally subsidized premiums or a bailout. The Obama administration in October 2011 conceded that it could not meet these statutory requirements, and therefore shelved the program. (Congress later repealed CLASS outright in the “fiscal cliff” deal in January 2013.)

Buttigieg’s plan acknowledges none of this history, and makes no mention of solvency or sustainability when talking about his proposed new program. Perhaps limiting it to only those over age 65, and imposing a waiting period for people to receive benefits, as his proposal outlines, will make it more financially sustainable (or less unsustainable). But Buttigieg also proposes a $90 daily benefit, 80 percent richer than the CLASS Act’s $50 per day benefit, exacerbating solvency concerns.

Costly Promises

Buttigieg’s promise of a long-term care benefit says nothing about whether this new federal spending would increase the deficit, your taxes, or both. In that respect, it represents but one of the many costly promises in his retirement plan, including:

  • An end to the two-year waiting period currently required for individuals receiving Social Security disability benefits to qualify for Medicare coverage;
  • An increase in the minimum wage to $15 an hour, and new staffing requirements for nursing homes, all of which will raise costs to the Medicaid program; and
  • An expansion of Social Security benefits—including a new minimum benefit and credit for caregivers—funded entirely by higher taxes on “the rich.”

At present, our federal government faces $23 trillion in debt, and trillion-dollar deficits as far as the eye can see. To put it bluntly, we can’t pay for the government we have now, let alone the new programs Buttigieg and his fellow presidential candidates have proposed.

Buttigieg can try to hide himself in the cloak of the “moderate” mantra all he likes. But his laundry lists of new and unsustainable entitlements represent nothing more than big-government liberalism.

UPDATE: This post was edited after publication, to clarify the nature of Buttigieg’s proposal as compared to Obamacare’s CLASS Act.

This post was originally published at The Federalist.

Ocasio-Cortez Wants Congress to Stop Pretending to Pay for Its Spending

Get used to reading more storylines like this over the next two years: The left hand doesn’t know what the far-left hand is doing.

On Wednesday, incoming House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) faced a potential revolt from within her own party. Rep.-elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) and several progressive allies threatened to vote against the rules package governing congressional procedures on the first day of the new Congress Thursday, because of proposed changes they believe would threaten their ability to pass single-payer health care.

What’s Going On?

Ocasio-Cortez and her allies object to Pelosi’s attempt to reinstate Pay-as-You-Go (PAYGO) rules for the new 116th Congress. Put simply, those rules would require that any legislation the House considers not increase the deficit over five- and ten-year periods. In short, this policy would mean that any bill proposing new mandatory spending or revenue reductions must pay for those changes via offsetting tax increases and/or spending cuts—hence the name.

Under Republican control, the House had a policy requiring spending increases—but not tax cuts—to be paid for. Pelosi would overturn that policy and apply PAYGO to both the spending and the revenue side of the ledger.

Progressives object to Pelosi’s attempt to constrain government spending, whether in the form of additional fiscal “stimulus” or a single-payer health system.

However, Pelosi’s spokesman countered with a statement indicating that the progressives’ move “is a vote to let Mick Mulvaney make across-the-board cuts.” Mulvaney heads the Office of Management and Budget, which would implement any sequester under statutory PAYGO.

Regardless of what the new House decides regarding its own procedures for considering bills, Pay-as-You-Go remains on the federal statute books. Democrats re-enacted it in 2010, just prior to Obamacare’s passage. If legislation Congress passed  violates those statutory PAYGO requirements (as opposed to any internal House rules), it will trigger mandatory spending reductions via the sequester—the “across-the-board cuts” to which Pelosi’s spokesman referred.

To Pay for Spending—Or Not?

Progressives think reinstituting PAYGO would impose fiscal constraints hindering their ability to pass massive new spending legislation. However, the reality does not match the rhetoric from Ocasio-Cortez and others. Consider, for instance, just some of the ways a Democratic Congress “paid for” the more than $1.8 trillion in new spending on Obamacare:

  • A CLASS Act that even some Democrats called “a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing Bernie Madoff would have been proud of,” and which never went into effect because the Obama administration could not implement it in a fiscally sustainable manner;
  • Double counting the Medicare savings in the legislation as “both” improving the solvency of Medicare and paying for the new spending in Obamacare;
  • Payment reductions that the non-partisan Medicare actuary considers extremely unlikely to be sustainable, and which could cause more than half of hospitals and nursing homes to become unprofitable within a generation;
  • Tax increases that Congress has repeatedly delayed, and which could end up never going into effect.

A Bipartisan Spending Addiction

An external observer weighing the Part D and Obamacare examples would find it difficult to determine the less dishonest approach to fiscal policy. It reinforces that America’s representatives have a bipartisan addiction to more government spending, and a virtually complete unwillingness to make tough choices now, instead bequeathing massive (and growing) amounts of debt to the next generation.

In that sense, Ocasio-Cortez and her fellow progressives should feel right at home in the new Congress. Republicans may criticize her for proposing new spending, but the difference between her and most GOP members represents one of degree rather than of kind. Therein lies the problem: In continuing to spend with reckless abandon, Congress is merely debating how quickly to sink our country’s fiscal ship.

This post was originally published at The Federalist.

How the Obama Administration Hid Facts to Pass Obamacare

Over the weekend, Politico ran a report about how a “Trump policy shop filters facts to fit his message.” The article cited several unnamed sources complaining about the office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation (ASPE) within the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), and its allegedly politicized role within the current administration.

One of the article’s anonymous sources called ASPE’s conduct over the past 18 months “another example of how we’re moving to a post-fact era.” Richard Frank, a former Obama appointee and one of the few sources to speak on the record, said that he found the current administration’s “attack on the integrity and the culture of the office…disturbing.”

As a congressional staffer conducting oversight of the CLASS Act in 2011-12, I reviewed thousands of pages of e-mails and documents from the months leading up to Obamacare’s passage. Those records strongly suggest that ASPE officials, including Frank, withheld material facts from Congress and the public about CLASS’s unsustainability, because full and prompt disclosure could have jeopardized Obamacare’s chances of passage.

About the CLASS Act ‘Ponzi scheme’

The Community Living Assistance Services and Supports program, or CLASS for short, intended to provide a voluntary insurance benefit for long-term care. Included as part of Obamacare, the program never got off the ground. In October 2011, HHS concluded it could not implement the program in an actuarially sound manner; Congress repealed the program entirely as part of the “fiscal cliff” deal enacted into law in the early days of 2013.

CLASS’s prime structural problem closely resembled that of the Obamacare exchanges—too many sick people, and not enough healthy ones. Disability lobbyists strongly supported the CLASS Act, hoping that it would provide financial support to individuals with disabilities. However, its voluntary nature meant that the more people already with disabilities enrolled and qualified for benefits, the higher premiums would rise, thereby discouraging healthy people from signing up.

Moreover, although actuarially questionable in the long-term, CLASS’s structure provided short-term fiscal benefits that aided Obamacare’s passage. Because CLASS required a five-year waiting period to collect benefits, the program would generate revenue early in its lifespan—and thus in the ten-year window budget analysts would use to score Obamacare—even if it could not maintain balance over a longer, 75-year timeframe.

This dynamic led the Senate Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad (D-ND), to dub CLASS “a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing Bernie Madoff would have been proud of.”

Internal Concerns Minimized in Public

A report I helped draft, which several congressional offices released in September 2011—weeks before HHS concluded that program implementation would not go forward—highlighted concerns raised within the department during the debate on Obamacare about CLASS’ unsustainable nature. For instance, in September 2009, one set of talking points prepared by ASPE indicated that, even after changes made by Congress, CLASS “is still likely to create severe adverse selection problems”—i.e., too many sick people would enroll to make the program sustainable.

Frank told me that, during one public speech in October 2009, “I spent about half my time setting out the problems with CLASS that needed to be fixed.” He did indeed highlight some of the actuarial challenges the CLASS program faced. But Frank’s remarks, at a Kaiser Family Foundation event, closed thusly:

We’ve, in the department, have modeled this extensively, perhaps more extensively than anybody would want to hear about [laughter] and we’re entirely persuaded that reasonable premiums, solid participation rates, and financial solvency over the 75-year period can be maintained. So it is, on this basis, that the Administration supports it that the bill continues to sort of meet the standards of being able to stand on its own financial feet. Thanks.

Frank told me over the weekend that his comments “came at the end of my explaining that we were in the process of addressing those issues” (emphasis mine). But Frank actually said that the Obama administration was “entirely persuaded” of CLASS’ solvency, which gives the impression not that the department had begun a process of addressing those issues, but had already resolved them.

Frank’s public comments notwithstanding, ASPE had far from resolved the actuarial problems plaguing CLASS. Two days after his speech, one of Frank’s employees sent around an internal e-mail suggesting that the CLASS Act “seems like a recipe for disaster.”

But the ‘Fixes’ Fall Short

In response to these new analyses, HHS and ASPE came up with a package of technical fixes designed to make the CLASS program actuarially sound. One section of those fixes noted that “it is possible the authority in the bill to modify premiums will not be sufficient to ensure the program is sustainable.”

However, the proposed changes came too late:

  • No changes to the CLASS Act made it into the final version of Obamacare, which then-Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) filed in the Senate on December 19, 2009.
  • The election of Scott Brown (R-MA) to replace the late Kennedy in January 2010 prevented Democrats from fixing the CLASS Act through a House-Senate conference committee, as Brown had pledged to be the “41st Republican” in the Senate who would prevent a conference report from receiving a final vote.
  • While the House and Senate could (and did) pass some changes to Obamacare on a party-line vote through the budget reconciliation process, the Senate’s “Byrd rule” on inclusion of incidental matters in a budget reconciliation bill prevented them from addressing CLASS.

The White House’s own health care proposal, released in February 2010, discussed “a series of changes to the Senate bill to improve the CLASS program’s financial stability and ensure its long-run solvency.” But as HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius later testified before the Senate Finance Committee, the “Byrd rule” procedures for budget reconciliation meant that those changes never saw the light of day—and could not make it into law.

Kinda Looks Like a Conspiracy of Silence

By the early months of 2010, officials at ASPE knew they had a program that they could not fix legislatively, and could fail as a result. Yet at no point between January 2010, when ASPE proposed its package of technical changes, through Obamacare’s enactment, did anyone within the administration admit that the program could prove impossible to implement.

Over the weekend, I asked Frank about this silence. He responded that “when the reconciliation package was shelved”—which I take to mean that the CLASS changes did not make it into the reconciliation bill, which did pass—“we began working on regulatory remedies that might address the flaws in CLASS.” However, from the outset some of Frank’s own employees believed those changes might prove insufficient to make the program actuarially sound, as it later proved.

To put it another way: In February 2011, Sebelius testified before the Senate Finance Committee that “the snapshot [of CLASS] in the bill, I would absolutely agree, is totally unsustainable.” She, Frank, and others within the administration had known this fact one year previously: They just hoped they could arrive at a package of regulatory changes that would overcome the law’s structural flaws.

But did anyone within the administration disclose that CLASS was “totally unsustainable” as written back in February 2010? No, because doing so could have jeopardized Obamacare’s chances of passage. The law passed the House on a narrow 219-212 margin.

If HHS had publicly conceded that CLASS could become a “zombie” program—one that they could not fix, but could not remove—it would have caused a political firestorm, and raised broader questions about the bill’s fiscal integrity that could have prevented its enactment.

Was Obamacare Sold on a Lie?

Conservatives have pilloried Obamacare for the many false statements used to sell the law, from the infamous “Lie of the Year” that “If you like your plan, you can keep it” to the repeated promises about premium reductions, Barack Obama’s “firm pledge” to avoid middle-class tax increases, and on and on.

But there are sins of both commission and omission, and the CLASS Act falls into the latter category. Regardless of whether one uses the loaded term “lie” to characterize the sequence of events described above, the public statements by HHS officials surrounding the program prior to Obamacare’s enactment fell short of the full and unvarnished truth, both as they knew it at the time, and as events later proved.

Politico can write all it wants about ASPE under Trump “filter[ing] facts to fit his message.” But ASPE’s prior failure to disclose the full scope of problems the CLASS Act faced represents a textbook example of a bureaucracy hiding inconvenient truths to enact its agenda. If anonymous HHS bureaucrats now wish to attack a “post-fact era” under Trump, they should start by taking a hard look in the mirror at what they did under President Obama to enact Obamacare.

This post was originally published at The Federalist.

Paul Ryan’s Secret, Illegal Plan to Bail Out Obamacare

While most of Washington remains consumed on the drama surrounding immigration negotiations, leaders in the House have quietly pursued other policy objectives. According to multiple sources on Capitol Hill, House leaders, particularly Speaker Paul Ryan (R-WI), have concocted a plan that would 1) use a budget gimmick that arguably violates the law to 2) bail out Obamacare and 3) provide taxpayer funding to plans that cover abortion.

As a certain congressman from Wisconsin said back in 2012: “With allies like that, who needs the Left?”

Budgetary Smoke and Mirrors

In a nutshell, the gimmick under consideration would have the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) raise the budgetary baseline so Congress can lower the baseline and spend the artificial “savings.” It’s a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing Bernie Madoff would have been proud of. Here’s how it would work.

Congress would direct CBO to assume that Obamacare’s cost-sharing reductions (CSRs) would not be paid. While the Trump administration did cut those subsidies off last October, due to the lack of a constitutional appropriation for them, the budget scorekeeping conventions (discussed in detail below) indicate that CBO should still assume the subsidies would continue. However, Congress would instruct CBO to override that precedent.

CBO would then increase the spending baseline for Obamacare, because of the interactions between CSRs and the law’s insurance premium subsidies. Essentially, eliminating the former would cause spending on the latter to rise, as insurers raise premiums to reflect the lack of CSR payments. (Under the law, insurers must reduce cost-sharing for low-income individuals regardless, so they would adjust premiums upward—as they did in most states for 2018—to reflect the cost of this regulatory mandate.) Higher premiums will lead to higher federal subsidies for those premiums, at $194 billion over a decade, according to an estimate CBO released last August.

Congress would then take the “savings” from appropriating funds for CSRs—which, as explained above, consists not of legitimate deficit reduction so much as a phony gimmick derived from playing budgetary games—and spend that money on reinsurance and other corporate welfare payments to health insurers.

There you have it: A fiscal Ponzi scheme that would give health insurers their two major desires—cost-sharing reductions and reinsurance—in one big bailout. If it passes once for a two- or three-year period, you can bet your life this scheme would turn into an Obamacare perpetual bailout machine, with insurers coming back time and time again for more crony capitalist cash.

Violates Budgeting Principles

This plan not only violates the pretense that Republicans care about repealing—as opposed to bailing out—Obamacare, but it also violates budget scorekeeping principles laid out in statute. Specifically, Section 257(b)(1) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings statute) includes the following direction when developing the budgetary baseline: “Laws providing or creating direct spending and receipts are assumed to operate in the manner specified in those laws for each year and funding for entitlement authority is assumed to be adequate to make all payments required by those laws” (emphasis mine).

Granted, the law does not include an appropriation for HHS to make those payments. That lack of appropriation prompted the House of Representatives to sue the Obama administration for exceeding its constitutional authority, and caused the Trump administration to stop the payments last fall.

But whether an appropriation actually exists is immaterial to the separate and distinct question of whether the law requires the secretary to make payments. Obamacare includes such entitlement authority over CSRs. Therefore, under the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act, the budget baseline should assume that those cost-sharing reductions will be paid.

In its August 2017 report on CSRs, CBO agreed. In a section regarding the budgetary treatment of the cost-sharing payments, the budget analysts noted that “the agencies have recorded the CSR payments as direct spending (that is, spending that does not require appropriation action)—a conclusion reached because the cost-sharing subsidies were viewed as a form of entitlement authority” (parentheses in original; italics mine).

All budgetary scorekeepers—both CBO and the Office of Management and Budget—have never disputed the validity of the entitlement, as opposed to the separate and distinct legal question of whether a valid appropriation exists. That entitlement language remains unchanged; therefore, the budgetary treatment of CSRs should remain unchanged—unless Republican leaders attempt to strong-arm CBO as an accomplice to their scheme for bailing out Obamacare.

Dropping Principles and Promises to Win An Election

After reading all this, some may wonder why Republican congressional leaders have taken the time to concoct such a scheme. In part because Congress (wrongly) repealed only the individual mandate as part of the tax reform bill, members worry about big premium spikes as a result of their actions, which will hit right around the time of the midterm elections this fall. Just as Senate staff talked openly last summer about how they structured their “stability funds” to yield premium reductions in November 2018, House leaders now want to “stabilize” the insurance markets this fall.

Or, to put it more cynically, they value preserving power more than they do their principles. Make no mistake, this plot would violate just about every principle conservatives hold dear. It makes no attempt to repeal Obamacare. Instead, it strengthens and entrenches it. It relies on budgetary smoke-and-mirrors to raise federal spending—a gimmick so laughable that it would destroy any credible claim Ryan could make toward fiscal responsibility and honest budgeting. It would also increase taxpayer funding of plans that cover abortion, because Democrats will never agree to this scheme if it includes robust pro-life protections in law, as doing so would effectively prohibit exchange plans from covering abortion.

Back in 2012, when former House Speaker Newt Gingrich attacked conservative proposals to reform Medicare, Ryan famously asked, “With allies like that, who needs the Left?” Six years later, given the shady nature of the Republican leadership scheme to bail out Obamacare, some may be saying the same thing about him.

This post was originally published at The Federalist.

More CBO Transparency Could Have Prevented Obamacare’s CLASS Debacle

Mere days into a Republican Congress, Democrats are making charges of ideological bias when it comes to the majority’s handling of the Congressional Budget Office. A group of leading Senate Democrats wrote a letter to House Speaker John Boehner specifically noting that “a CBO director should not be required to revise the score of the Affordable Care Act in order to please partisan interests.” It’s an ironic charge, given that it’s far from partisan to question why the CBO failed to perform analyses that could have predicted the collapse of an $86 billion Obamacare program — exactly what happened under its current director, Doug Elmendorf.

The program in question, Community Living Assistance Services and Supports, or CLASS, was designed to provide cash benefits for those needing long-term services and support. CLASS made it into Obamacare at the behest of then-Sen. Ted Kennedy, and over the objections of both Republicans and moderate Democrats, who considered it fiscally unsustainable; then-Senate Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad, D-N.D., famously dubbed CLASS “a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing Bernie Madoff would have been proud of.” And so it proved — in October 2011, less than two years after the law’s passage, the Department of Health and Human Services determined CLASS could not be implemented in a fiscally solvent manner, and in January 2013, Congress repealed it entirely.

But Congress and the American people could have been spared this trouble had CBO performed a more thorough analysis of CLASS. In 2009, the budget agency assumed that CLASS’s administrative expenses would remain confined to three percent of premiums, even though HHS’ own actuary later called this requirement “unrealistic and undesirable.” The actuary hired by HHS went on to estimate total expenses at 20 percent of premiums — nearly seven times the level specified in the law.

The unrealistically low administrative expenses go to the heart of CLASS’s structural flaws. The program proved fiscally unsustainable because it faced a classic actuarial death spiral—a lack of healthy people paying into the pool to fund benefits for those needing care.

Had CBO formally analyzed CLASS’s administrative expenses, it likely would have concluded that the unrealistic assumptions written into the law meant premiums would eventually have to rise, benefits fall, or both, to meet the shortfall — making the program even more unattractive to healthy individuals, and further imperiling its solvency. The CBO does have models to estimate the cost of insurance; with Obamacare, it stated in November 2009 that insurance exchanges would reduce the administrative costs of individually-purchased coverage. But when it came to CLASS, CBO did not perform a similar analysis.

Likewise, CBO at no point attempted to quantify the potentially massive costs to states that CLASS would have imposed. The program would have required state Medicaid programs to create a benefit eligibility system similar to that used by the Social Security disability insurance program. That program costs nearly $3 billion to administer every year — meaning CLASS could easily have imposed costs to states of $20 billion-30 billion over a decade.

Within HHS, officials expressed concern that CLASS would “create significant new burdens on the states.” Coming at a time when governors of both parties were criticizing the “mother of all unfunded mandates” in the form of Obamacare’s Medicaid expansion, a CBO finding that CLASS imposed mandates on states in the billions, or tens of billions, would have prompted bipartisan outrage — and could have scuttled the program entirely. But from its introduction to its repeal, CBO at no point even acknowledged the significant cost to states associated with CLASS.

In fairness to CBO, the months leading up to Obamacare’s passage were by far the busiest in my time as a Capitol Hill staffer. Lack of enough hours and lack of sleep could, and did, cause details to slip through the cracks; to quote Nancy Pelosi, we really did have to pass the bill to find out what was in it. But that neither excuses nor explains why CBO has not publicly acknowledged the shortcomings outlined above, and what if anything it needs to change — whether in resources, oversight, or both — to improve its analysis going forward.

Judging from his silence on CLASS, Elmendorf may view protecting his office’s budget analysts as a prime objective of a CBO director. As much as I value loyalty, CBO’s prime loyalty should lay to Congress — and ultimately to the public, which funds both CBO and the programs it analyzes. While Elmendorf has taken measures to release more information publicly — developments I welcome — such steps generally fall into the realm of making CBO less opaque, rather than truly transparent.

Democrats’ political posturing aside, it’s not partisan to ask for a public explanation why an independent budget office did not produce analyses that could have revealed the instability of an $86 billion “Ponzi scheme” before Congress enacted it into law. In fact, the principles of good governance should compel the CBO in exactly this direction. Hopefully CBO’s next director, whoever he or she is, will move more rapidly down the road of this much-needed transparency.

This post was originally published at the Washington Examiner.

46 Reasons to Repeal an Unconstitutional Law NOW

46 50 Reasons to Repeal ALL of Obamacare NOW

Today the Supreme Court struck down portions of Obamacare as unconstitutional – states cannot be “dragooned” into expanding their Medicaid programs according to the law’s dictates. However, a list of 50 particularly onerous or egregious provisions in Obamacare (with sections from the statute duly noted) reveals just how much of this bad law remains. By the most generous interpretation, the Court struck down only four of the 50 egregious policies, illustrating why Congress should immediately repeal the entire measure once and for all. Among many other bad policies, the law:

  1. Imposes $800 billion in tax increases, including no fewer than 12 separate provisions breaking candidate Obama’s “firm pledge” during his campaign that he would not raise “any of your taxes” (Sections 9001-9016)
  2. Forces Americans to purchase a product for the first time ever (Section 1501)
  3. Creates a board of 15 unelected and unaccountable bureaucrats to make binding rulings on how to reduce Medicare spending (Section 3403)
  4. Pays over $800 billion in subsidies straight to health insurance companies (Sections 1401, 1402, and 1412)
  5. Requires all individuals to buy government-approved health insurance plans, imposing new mandates that will raise individual insurance premiums by an average of $2,100 per family (Section 1302)
  6. Forces seniors to lose their current health care, by enacting Medicare Advantage cuts that by 2017 will cut enrollment in half, and cut plan choices by two-thirds (Section 3201)
  7. Imposes a 40 percent tax on health benefits, a direct contradiction of Barack Obama’s campaign promises (Section 9001)
  8. Relies upon government bureaucrats to “issue guidance on best practices of plain language writing” (Section 1311(e)(3)(B))
  9. Provides special benefits to residents of Libby, Montana – home of Max Baucus, the powerful Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, who helped write the law even though he says he hasn’t read it (Section 10323)
  10. Imposes what a Democrat Governor called the “mother of all unfunded mandates” – new, Washington-dictated requirements of at least $118 billion – at a time when states already face budget deficits totaling a collective $175 billion (Section 2001)
  11. Imposes reductions in Medicare spending that, according to the program’s non-partisan actuary, would cause 40 percent of all Medicare providers to become unprofitable, and could lead to their exit from the program (Section 3401)
  12. Raises premiums on more than 17 million seniors participating in Medicare Part D, so that Big Pharma can benefit from its “rock-solid deal” struck behind closed doors with President Obama and Congressional Democrats (Section 3301)
  13. Creates an institute to undertake research that, according to one draft Committee report prepared by Democrats, could mean that “more expensive [treatments] will no longer be prescribed” (Section 6301)
  14. Creates a multi-billion dollar “slush fund” doled out solely by federal bureaucrats, which has already been used to fund things like bike paths (Section 4002)
  15. Subjects states to myriad new lawsuits, by forcing them to assume legal liability for delivering services to Medicaid patients for the first time in that program’s history (Section 2304)
  16. Permits taxpayer dollars to flow to health plans that fund abortion, in a sharp deviation from prior practice under Democrat and Republican Administrations (Section 1303)
  17. Empowers bureaucrats on a board that has ruled against mammograms and against prostate cancer screenings to make binding determinations about what types of preventive services should be covered (Sections 2713 and 4104)
  18. Precludes poor individuals from having a choice of health care plans by automatically dumping them in the Medicaid program (Section 1413(a))
  19. Creates a new entitlement program that one Democrat called “a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing that Bernie Madoff would have been proud of” – a scheme so unsustainable even the Administration was forced to admit it would not work (Section 8002)
  20. Provides $5 billion in taxpayer dollars to a fund that has largely served to bail out unions and other organizations who made unsustainable health care promises to retirees that they cannot afford (Section 1102)
  21. Creates a tax credit so convoluted it requires seven different worksheets to determine eligibility (Section 1421)
  22. Imposes multiple penalties on those who marry, by reducing subsidies (and increasing taxes) for married couples when compared to two individuals cohabiting together (Sections 1401-02)
  23. Extends the Medicare “payroll tax” to unearned income for the first time ever, including new taxes on the sale of some homes (Section 1402)
  24. Impedes state flexibility by requiring Medicaid programs to offer a specific package of benefits, including benefits like family planning services (Sections 2001(a)(2), 2001(c), 1302(b), and 2303(c))
  25. Requires individuals to go to the doctor and get a prescription in order to spend their own Flexible Spending Account money on over-the-counter medicines (Section 9003)
  26. Expands the definition of “low-income” to make 63 percent of non-elderly Americans eligible for “low-income” subsidized insurance (Section 1401)
  27. Imposes a new tax on the makers of goods like pacemakers and hearing aids (Section 9009)
  28. Creates an insurance reimbursement scheme that could result in the federal government obtaining Americans’ medical records (Section 1343)
  29. Permits states to make individuals presumptively eligible for Medicaid for unlimited 60-day periods, thus allowing any individual to receive taxpayer-funded assistance ad infinitum (Section 2303(b))
  30. Allows individuals to purchase insurance on government exchanges – and to receive taxpayer-funded insurance subsidies – WITHOUT verifying their identity as American citizens (Section 1411)
  31. Gives $300 million in higher Medicaid reimbursements to one state as part of the infamous “Louisiana Purchase” – described by ABC News as “what…it take[s] to get a wavering senator to vote for health care reform” (Section 2006)
  32. Raises taxes on firms who cannot afford to buy coverage for their workers (Section 1513)
  33. Forces younger Americans to pay double-digit premium increases so that older workers can pay slightly less (Section 1201)
  34. Prohibits states from modifying their Medicaid programs to include things like modest anti-fraud protections (Section 2001)
  35. Includes a special provision increasing federal payments just for Tennessee (Section 1203(b))
  36. Allows individuals to purchase health insurance across state lines – but only if politicians and bureaucrats agree to allow citizens this privilege (Section 1333)
  37. Allows the HHS Secretary and federal bureaucrats to grant waivers exempting people from Obamacare’s onerous mandates, over half of which have gone to members of union plans (Section 1001)
  38. Creates a pseudo-government-run plan overseen by the federal government (Section 1334)
  39. Removes a demonstration project designed to force government-run Medicare to compete on a level playing field with private plans (Section 1102(f))
  40. Gives the Secretary of HHS an UNLIMITED amount of federal funds to spend funding state insurance Exchanges (Section 1311(a))
  41. Creates a grant program that could be used by liberal groups like ACORN or AARP to conduct “public education activities” surrounding Obamacare (Section 1311(i))
  42. Applies new federal mandates to pre-Obamacare insurance policies, thus proving that you CAN’T keep the insurance plan you had – and liked – before the law passed (Sections 2301 and 10103)
  43. Prohibits individuals harmed by federal bureaucrats from challenging those decisions, either in court or through regulatory processes (Sections 3001, 3003, 3007, 3008, 3021, 3022, 3025, 3133, 3403, 5501, 6001, and 6401)
  44. Earmarks $100 million for “construction of a health care facility,” a “sweetheart deal” inserted by a Democrat Senator trying to win re-election (Section 10502)
  45. Puts yet another Medicaid unfunded mandate on states, by raising payments to primary care physicians, but only for two years, forcing states to come up with another method of funding this unsustainable promise when federal funding expires (Section 1202)
  46. Imposes price controls that have had the effect of costing jobs in the short time since they were first implemented (Section 1001)
  47. Prohibits individuals from spending federal insurance subsidies outside government-approved Exchanges (Section 1401(a))
  48. Provides a special increase in federal hospital payments just for Hawaii (Section 10201(e)(1))
  49. Imposes new reporting requirements that will cost businesses millions of dollars, and affect thousands of restaurants and other establishments across the country (Section 4205)
  50. Codifies 159 new boards, bureaucracies, and programs

The Supreme Court may have struck some of these onerous provisions, but the only way to ensure that ALL these provisions are eliminated – and never return – is to repeal ALL of this unconstitutional law immediately.

More Obamacare Gimmickry Exposed

In addition to a discussion of rationing, the New Yorker article on the Obama presidency also includes nuggets further undermining the allegation that Obamacare was a fiscally responsible measure.  In a passage relating details of the President’s February 2010 budget submission, reporter Ryan Lizza noted that the President’s advisers “told [Obama] that he needed to cut $85 billion in spending in order to submit a fiscally credible budget to Congress.”  So what did they do?

They resorted to gimmickry.…The White House could also save billions by fiddling with the way it presented savings from Obama’s health care reform bill.  Check.”

The article doesn’t reveal what specific gimmicks the White House used regarding Obamacare in the February 2010 budget; some would argue that’s because the bill was full of so many gimmicks that it would be difficult to highlight a single one.  However, we do know – because liberal groups recently admitted this fact – that by the early 2010 timeframe discussed in Lizza’s piece, the Administration knew privately that the CLASS Act Ponzi scheme was fiscally unsustainable.  But did the Administration admit this fact publicly?  Heavens no.  Instead they relied on tens of billions of dollars in fake savings from CLASS to argue that the bill was paid for – while knowing full well these “savings” would never materialize.

Lizza’s piece also notes that the Obama domestic agenda was based upon “unrealistic assumptions made during the campaign.”  And how.  A bill estimated to cost “$50-65 billion a year when fully phased in” in reality will cost more than $200 billion by the end of the decade – and a promise to cut premiums by $2500 per family has turned into a law that will instead raise insurance premiums on the individual market by $2,100 per household.

Back in 2010, then-OMB head Peter Orszag – piqued at those who would question his fiscal self-righteousness – wrote a blog post stating that Obamacare was not relying on a “business-as-usual Washington gimmick.”  Republicans knew all along that these statements were at best highly skeptical, and at worst downright disingenuous.  As more and more time transpires, the record increasingly shows that Democrats knew the exact same thing.

Obamacare ALREADY a Failure

The liberal Center for American Progress today released a one-pager attempting to claim that Obamacare is already a success.  In reality, however, the law’s many flaws have become more manifest with each passing day:

Premiums Higher and Higher:  Candidate Obama said repeatedly his bill would CUT premiums by an average of $2,500 per family – meaning premiums would go DOWN, not merely just “go up by less than projected.”  The campaign also promised that that those reductions would occur within Obama’s first term.  However, the annual Kaiser Foundation survey of employer-provided insurance found that average family premiums totaled $12,860 in 2008, $13,375 in 2009, and $13,770 in 2010 and $15,073 this year.  In other words, while candidate Obama promised premiums would fall by $2,500 on average, premiums have already risen by $2,213 during the Obama Administration.

Millions Losing Coverage:  The Galen Institute last month released a paper discussing the havoc Obamacare is wreaking on insurance markets, and specifically the insurance many Americans had – and liked – before the massive 2700 page law was passed.  Dozens of carriers have left insurance markets, or gone out of business altogether – leaving millions in the lurch.  And millions more will lose their coverage; under the Administration’s own estimates, more than half of all employers – and up to 80% of small businesses – will lose their pre-Obamacare coverage by next year.

Millions More Exempted:  According to the latest data, the Administration has now granted waivers to over 1,700 health plans with more than 4 million people – more than half of them participants in union plans.  The fact that the Administration feels the need to exempt millions from the law’s mandates shows how onerous they are.  Even Democrat Senators have admitted the law is flawed – five Senators wrote to the Administration asking for another Obamacare waiver, because the law “may cause disruption for farmers and others in the agricultural sector” by causing members of farmer co-operatives to lose their current coverage.

Higher Taxes:  Several middle-class tax increases related to Obamacare have already taken effect: new restrictions on FSAs and Health Savings Accounts, and Obamacare’s first tax increase, on tanning products, which took effect in July 2010.  And in just a few months, more new taxes will take effect – including taxes on medical products and industries, which the Congressional Budget Office and other outside experts agree will be passed on to consumers, raising insurance premiums by as much as $5000 per family over a decade.  These taxes are collectively having an effect; in November, device manufacturer Stryker announced that it would be shedding “five percent of its workforce over concerns about the impending 2.3 percent medical device tax prescribed by” Obamacare.

Economic Uncertainty:  Multiple quotes from business executives have proven how Obamacare’s uncertainty is hampering economic recovery.  Analysts at UBS have stated that Obamacare is “arguably the biggest impediment to hiring, particularly hiring of less skilled workers.”  And the President of the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta admitted he has “frequently heard strong comments to the effect of ‘my company won’t hire a single additional worker until we know what health insurance costs are going to be.’”

One Bailout Program Bankrupt:  Last month the Administration admitted that Obamacare’s early retiree reinsurance program would shut down at the end of 2011.  The program was scheduled to run through 2014, but ran out of money years ahead of schedule.  The program went broke because unions and state governments rushed to the federal government to receive subsidies; HHS data indicate that more than half of the money went to only 24 organizations – with the biggest recipient being the United Auto Workers union.

Another Unsound Program Ended Before It Began:  In October, HHS finally admitted that the CLASS Act long-term care program was actuarially and fiscally unsound, and decided not to go forward with the program.  This development should shock no one – the Medicare actuary said on Day One the plan would not work, and one Democrat Senator called CLASS a “Ponzi scheme of the first order.”  But the Administration was forced to admit that its sanctimonious claims that CLASS was not a “business-as-usual Washington gimmick” were utterly FALSE.

Burdens Crushing States:  Last month’s annual State Expenditure Report released by the National Association of State Budget Officers illustrated how Medicaid is a large – and rapidly growing – portion of state budgets.  Yet at a time when states face budget deficits totaling a collective $175 billion, Obamacare is imposing new unfunded mandates of at least $118 billion.  These burdens have forced states to spend money on Medicaid that could otherwise be used to improve education, transportation, corrections, or other priority areas.

Nearly two years ago, Speaker Pelosi famously said we had to pass the bill to find out what’s in it.   All the signs above show how the American people are not liking what they’ve found in the 2700-page health care law.

208 Things in Obamacare that Obama and Democrats Support

Last week, former HELP Committee staffer John McDonough wrote a list of “50 provisions I ask the media to ask Romney et al. if they are committed to repealing as President.”  McDonough noted that “there are [Obamacare] provisions opponents could pick out to create an alternative list for elimination.”

We here at RPC know a challenge when we hear one; our list is submitted below, with sections from the statute duly noted.  Remember when reading this list:  We KNOW that President Obama and Democrats all support these provisions in Obamacare – because they all voted to enact them into law.  So members of the media can readily ask President Obama and Democrat Members of Congress why they supported a law that…

  1. Imposes $800 billion in tax increases, including no fewer than 12 separate provisions breaking candidate Obama’s “firm pledge” during his campaign that he would not raise “any of your taxes” (Sections 9001-9016)?
  2. Forces Americans to purchase a product for the first time ever (Section 1501)?
  3. Creates a board of 15 unelected and unaccountable bureaucrats to make binding rulings on how to reduce Medicare spending (Section 3403)?
  4. Pays over $800 billion in subsidies straight to health insurance companies (Sections 1401, 1402, and 1412)?
  5. Requires all individuals to buy government-approved health insurance plans, imposing new mandates that will raise individual insurance premiums by an average of $2,100 per family (Section 1302)?
  6. Forces seniors to lose their current health care, by enacting Medicare Advantage cuts that by 2017 will cut enrollment in half, and cut plan choices by two-thirds (Section 3201)?
  7. Imposes a 40 percent tax on health benefits, a direct contradiction of Barack Obama’s campaign promises (Section 9001)?
  8. Relies upon government bureaucrats to “issue guidance on best practices of plain language writing” (Section 1311(e)(3)(B))?
  9. Provides special benefits to residents of Libby, Montana – home of Max Baucus, the powerful Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, who helped write the law even though he says he hasn’t read it (Section 10323)?
  10. Imposes what a Democrat Governor called the “mother of all unfunded mandates” – new, Washington-dictated requirements of at least $118 billion – at a time when states already face budget deficits totaling a collective $175 billion (Section 2001)?
  11. Imposes reductions in Medicare spending that, according to the program’s non-partisan actuary, would cause 40 percent of all Medicare providers to become unprofitable, and could lead to their exit from the program (Section 3401)?
  12. Raises premiums on more than 17 million seniors participating in Medicare Part D, so that Big Pharma can benefit from its “rock-solid deal” struck behind closed doors with President Obama and Congressional Democrats (Section 3301)?
  13. Creates an institute to undertake research that, according to one draft Committee report prepared by Democrats, could mean that “more expensive [treatments] will no longer be prescribed” (Section 6301)?
  14. Creates a multi-billion dollar “slush fund” doled out solely by federal bureaucrats, which has already been used to fund things like bike paths (Section 4002)?
  15. Subjects states to myriad new lawsuits, by forcing them to assume legal liability for delivering services to Medicaid patients for the first time in that program’s history (Section 2304)?
  16. Permits taxpayer dollars to flow to health plans that fund abortion, in a sharp deviation from prior practice under Democrat and Republican Administrations (Section 1303)?
  17. Empowers bureaucrats on a board that has ruled against mammograms and against prostate cancer screenings to make binding determinations about what types of preventive services should be covered (Sections 2713 and 4104)?
  18. Precludes poor individuals from having a choice of health care plans by automatically dumping them in the Medicaid program (Section 1413(a))?
  19. Creates a new entitlement program that one Democrat called “a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing that Bernie Madoff would have been proud of” – a scheme so unsustainable even the Administration was forced to admit it would not work (Section 8002)?
  20. Provides $5 billion in taxpayer dollars to a fund that has largely served to bail out unions and other organizations who made unsustainable health care promises to retirees that they cannot afford (Section 1102)?
  21. Creates a tax credit so convoluted it requires seven different worksheets to determine eligibility (Section 1421)?
  22. Imposes multiple penalties on those who marry, by reducing subsidies (and increasing taxes) for married couples when compared to two individuals cohabiting together (Sections 1401-02)?
  23. Extends the Medicare “payroll tax” to unearned income for the first time ever, including new taxes on the sale of some homes (Section 1402)?
  24. Impedes state flexibility by requiring Medicaid programs to offer a specific package of benefits, including benefits like family planning services (Sections 2001(a)(2), 2001(c), 1302(b), and 2303(c))?
  25. Requires individuals to go to the doctor and get a prescription in order to spend their own Flexible Spending Account money on over-the-counter medicines (Section 9003)?
  26. Expands the definition of “low-income” to make 63 percent of non-elderly Americans eligible for “low-income” subsidized insurance (Section 1401)?
  27. Imposes a new tax on the makers of goods like pacemakers and hearing aids (Section 9009)?
  28. Creates an insurance reimbursement scheme that could result in the federal government obtaining Americans’ medical records (Section 1343)?
  29. Permits states to make individuals presumptively eligible for Medicaid for unlimited 60-day periods, thus allowing any individual to receive taxpayer-funded assistance ad infinitum (Section 2303(b))?
  30. Allows individuals to purchase insurance on government exchanges – and to receive taxpayer-funded insurance subsidies – WITHOUT verifying their identity as American citizens (Section 1411)?
  31. Gives $300 million in higher Medicaid reimbursements to one state as part of the infamous “Louisiana Purchase” – described by ABC News as “what…it take[s] to get a wavering senator to vote for health care reform” (Section 2006)?
  32. Raises taxes on firms who cannot afford to buy coverage for their workers (Section 1513)?
  33. Forces younger Americans to pay double-digit premium increases so that older workers can pay slightly less (Section 1201)?
  34. Prohibits states from modifying their Medicaid programs to include things like modest anti-fraud protections (Section 2001)?
  35. Includes a special provision increasing federal payments just for Tennessee (Section 1203(b))?
  36. Allows individuals to purchase health insurance across state lines – but only if politicians and bureaucrats agree to allow citizens this privilege (Section 1333)?
  37. Allows the HHS Secretary and federal bureaucrats to grant waivers exempting people from Obamacare’s onerous mandates, over half of which have gone to members of union plans (Section 1001)?
  38. Creates a pseudo-government-run plan overseen by the federal government (Section 1334)?
  39. Removes a demonstration project designed to force government-run Medicare to compete on a level playing field with private plans (Section 1102(f))?
  40. Gives the Secretary of HHS an UNLIMITED amount of federal funds to spend funding state insurance Exchanges (Section 1311(a))?
  41. Creates a grant program that could be used by liberal groups like ACORN or AARP to conduct “public education activities” surrounding Obamacare (Section 1311(i))?
  42. Applies new federal mandates to pre-Obamacare insurance policies, thus proving that you CAN’T keep the insurance plan you had – and liked – before the law passed (Sections 2301 and 10103)?
  43. Prohibits individuals harmed by federal bureaucrats from challenging those decisions, either in court or through regulatory processes (Sections 3001, 3003, 3007, 3008, 3021, 3022, 3025, 3133, 3403, 5501, 6001, AND 6401)?
  44. Earmarks $100 million for “construction of a health care facility,” a “sweetheart deal” inserted by a Democrat Senator trying to win re-election (Section 10502)?
  45. Puts yet another Medicaid unfunded mandate on states, by raising payments to primary care physicians, but only for two years, forcing states to come up with another method of funding this unsustainable promise when federal funding expires (Section 1202)?
  46. Imposes price controls that have had the effect of costing jobs in the short time since they were first implemented (Section 1001)?
  47. Prohibits individuals from spending federal insurance subsidies outside government-approved Exchanges (Section 1401(a))?
  48. Provides a special increase in federal hospital payments just for Hawaii (Section 10201(e)(1))?
  49. Imposes new reporting requirements that will cost businesses millions of dollars, and affect thousands of restaurants and other establishments across the country (Section 4205)?

And instead of including a 50th item on our list, we’re going to include 159 separate items.  These are the 159 new boards, bureaucracies, and programs created by Obamacare.  You can find the list below, or here.

No matter which way you look at it, this list provides 208 easy reasons why the American people still continue to reject Democrats’ unpopular 2700-page health care law.

 

Obamacare’s 159 New Boards, Bureaucracies, Commissions, and Programs

  1. Grant program for consumer assistance offices (Section 1002, p. 37)
  2. Grant program for states to monitor premium increases (Section 1003, p. 42)
  3. Committee to review administrative simplification standards (Section 1104, p. 71)
  4. Demonstration program for state wellness programs (Section 1201, p. 93)
  5. Grant program to establish state Exchanges (Section 1311(a), p. 130)
  6. State American Health Benefit Exchanges (Section 1311(b), p. 131)
  7. Exchange grants to establish consumer navigator programs (Section 1311(i), p. 150)
  8. Grant program for state cooperatives (Section 1322, p. 169)
  9. Advisory board for state cooperatives (Section 1322(b)(3), p. 173)
  10. Private purchasing council for state cooperatives (Section 1322(d), p. 177)
  11. State basic health plan programs (Section 1331, p. 201)
  12. State-based reinsurance program (Section 1341, p. 226)
  13. Program of risk corridors for individual and small group markets (Section 1342, p. 233)
  14. Program to determine eligibility for Exchange participation (Section 1411, p. 267)
  15. Program for advance determination of tax credit eligibility (Section 1412, p. 288)
  16. Grant program to implement health IT enrollment standards (Section 1561, p. 370)
  17. Federal Coordinated Health Care Office for dual eligible beneficiaries (Section 2602, p. 512)
  18. Medicaid quality measurement program (Section 2701, p. 518)
  19. Medicaid health home program for people with chronic conditions, and grants for planning same (Section 2703, p. 524)
  20. Medicaid demonstration project to evaluate bundled payments (Section 2704, p. 532)
  21. Medicaid demonstration project for global payment system (Section 2705, p. 536)
  22. Medicaid demonstration project for accountable care organizations (Section 2706, p. 538)
  23. Medicaid demonstration project for emergency psychiatric care (Section 2707, p. 540)
  24. Grant program for delivery of services to individuals with postpartum depression (Section 2952(b), p. 591)
  25. State allotments for grants to promote personal responsibility education programs (Section 2953, p. 596)
  26. Medicare value-based purchasing program (Section 3001(a), p. 613)
  27. Medicare value-based purchasing demonstration program for critical access hospitals (Section 3001(b), p. 637)
  28. Medicare value-based purchasing program for skilled nursing facilities (Section 3006(a), p. 666)
  29. Medicare value-based purchasing program for home health agencies (Section 3006(b), p. 668)
  30. Interagency Working Group on Health Care Quality (Section 3012, p. 688)
  31. Grant program to develop health care quality measures (Section 3013, p. 693)
  32. Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation (Section 3021, p. 712)
  33. Medicare shared savings program (Section 3022, p. 728)
  34. Medicare pilot program on payment bundling (Section 3023, p. 739)
  35. Independence at home medical practice demonstration program (Section 3024, p. 752)
  36. Program for use of patient safety organizations to reduce hospital readmission rates (Section 3025(b), p. 775)
  37. Community-based care transitions program (Section 3026, p. 776)
  38. Demonstration project for payment of complex diagnostic laboratory tests (Section 3113, p. 800)
  39. Medicare hospice concurrent care demonstration project (Section 3140, p. 850)
  40. Independent Payment Advisory Board (Section 3403, p. 982)
  41. Consumer Advisory Council for Independent Payment Advisory Board (Section 3403, p. 1027)
  42. Grant program for technical assistance to providers implementing health quality practices (Section 3501, p. 1043)
  43. Grant program to establish interdisciplinary health teams (Section 3502, p. 1048)
  44. Grant program to implement medication therapy management (Section 3503, p. 1055)
  45. Grant program to support emergency care pilot programs (Section 3504, p. 1061)
  46. Grant program to promote universal access to trauma services (Section 3505(b), p. 1081)
  47. Grant program to develop and promote shared decision-making aids (Section 3506, p. 1088)
  48. Grant program to support implementation of shared decision-making (Section 3506, p. 1091)
  49. Grant program to integrate quality improvement in clinical education (Section 3508, p. 1095)
  50. Health and Human Services Coordinating Committee on Women’s Health (Section 3509(a), p. 1098)
  51. Centers for Disease Control Office of Women’s Health (Section 3509(b), p. 1102)
  52. Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality Office of Women’s Health (Section 3509(e), p. 1105)
  53. Health Resources and Services Administration Office of Women’s Health (Section 3509(f), p. 1106)
  54. Food and Drug Administration Office of Women’s Health (Section 3509(g), p. 1109)
  55. National Prevention, Health Promotion, and Public Health Council (Section 4001, p. 1114)
  56. Advisory Group on Prevention, Health Promotion, and Integrative and Public Health (Section 4001(f), p. 1117)
  57. Prevention and Public Health Fund (Section 4002, p. 1121)
  58. Community Preventive Services Task Force (Section 4003(b), p. 1126)
  59. Grant program to support school-based health centers (Section 4101, p. 1135)
  60. Grant program to promote research-based dental caries disease management (Section 4102, p. 1147)
  61. Grant program for States to prevent chronic disease in Medicaid beneficiaries (Section 4108, p. 1174)
  62. Community transformation grants (Section 4201, p. 1182)
  63. Grant program to provide public health interventions (Section 4202, p. 1188)
  64. Demonstration program of grants to improve child immunization rates (Section 4204(b), p. 1200)
  65. Pilot program for risk-factor assessments provided through community health centers (Section 4206, p. 1215)
  66. Grant program to increase epidemiology and laboratory capacity (Section 4304, p. 1233)
  67. Interagency Pain Research Coordinating Committee (Section 4305, p. 1238)
  68. National Health Care Workforce Commission (Section 5101, p. 1256)
  69. Grant program to plan health care workforce development activities (Section 5102(c), p. 1275)
  70. Grant program to implement health care workforce development activities (Section 5102(d), p. 1279)
  71. Pediatric specialty loan repayment program (Section 5203, p. 1295)
  72. Public Health Workforce Loan Repayment Program (Section 5204, p. 1300)
  73. Allied Health Loan Forgiveness Program (Section 5205, p. 1305)
  74. Grant program to provide mid-career training for health professionals (Section 5206, p. 1307)
  75. Grant program to fund nurse-managed health clinics (Section 5208, p. 1310)
  76. Grant program to support primary care training programs (Section 5301, p. 1315)
  77. Grant program to fund training for direct care workers (Section 5302, p. 1322)
  78. Grant program to develop dental training programs (Section 5303, p. 1325)
  79. Demonstration program to increase access to dental health care in underserved communities (Section 5304, p. 1331)
  80. Grant program to promote geriatric education centers (Section 5305, p. 1334)
  81. Grant program to promote health professionals entering geriatrics (Section 5305, p. 1339)
  82. Grant program to promote training in mental and behavioral health (Section 5306, p. 1344)
  83. Grant program to promote nurse retention programs (Section 5309, p. 1354)
  84. Student loan forgiveness for nursing school faculty (Section 5311(b), p. 1360)
  85. Grant program to promote positive health behaviors and outcomes (Section 5313, p. 1364)
  86. Public Health Sciences Track for medical students (Section 5315, p. 1372)
  87. Primary Care Extension Program to educate providers (Section 5405, p. 1404)
  88. Grant program for demonstration projects to address health workforce shortage needs (Section 5507, p. 1442)
  89. Grant program for demonstration projects to develop training programs for home health aides (Section 5507, p. 1447)
  90. Grant program to establish new primary care residency programs (Section 5508(a), p. 1458)
  91. Program of payments to teaching health centers that sponsor medical residency training (Section 5508(c), p. 1462)
  92. Graduate nurse education demonstration program (Section 5509, p. 1472)
  93. Grant program to establish demonstration projects for community-based mental health settings (Section 5604, p. 1486)
  94. Commission on Key National Indicators (Section 5605, p. 1489)
  95. Quality assurance and performance improvement program for skilled nursing facilities (Section 6102, p. 1554)
  96. Special focus facility program for skilled nursing facilities (Section 6103(a)(3), p. 1561)
  97. Special focus facility program for nursing facilities (Section 6103(b)(3), p. 1568)
  98. National independent monitor pilot program for skilled nursing facilities and nursing facilities (Section 6112, p. 1589)
  99. Demonstration projects for nursing facilities involved in the culture change movement (Section 6114, p. 1597)
  100. Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute (Section 6301, p. 1619)
  101. Standing methodology committee for Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute (Section 6301, p. 1629)
  102. Board of Governors for Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute (Section 6301, p. 1638)
  103. Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Trust Fund (Section 6301(e), p. 1656)
  104. Elder Justice Coordinating Council (Section 6703, p. 1773)
  105. Advisory Board on Elder Abuse, Neglect, and Exploitation (Section 6703, p. 1776)
  106. Grant program to create elder abuse forensic centers (Section 6703, p. 1783)
  107. Grant program to promote continuing education for long-term care staffers (Section 6703, p. 1787)
  108. Grant program to improve management practices and training (Section 6703, p. 1788)
  109. Grant program to subsidize costs of electronic health records (Section 6703, p. 1791)
  110. Grant program to promote adult protective services (Section 6703, p. 1796)
  111. Grant program to conduct elder abuse detection and prevention (Section 6703, p. 1798)
  112. Grant program to support long-term care ombudsmen (Section 6703, p. 1800)
  113. National Training Institute for long-term care surveyors (Section 6703, p. 1806)
  114. Grant program to fund State surveys of long-term care residences (Section 6703, p. 1809)
  115. CLASS Independence Fund (Section 8002, p. 1926)
  116. CLASS Independence Fund Board of Trustees (Section 8002, p. 1927)
  117. CLASS Independence Advisory Council (Section 8002, p. 1931)
  118. Personal Care Attendants Workforce Advisory Panel (Section 8002(c), p. 1938)
  119. Multi-state health plans offered by Office of Personnel Management (Section 10104(p), p. 2086)
  120. Advisory board for multi-state health plans (Section 10104(p), p. 2094)
  121. Pregnancy Assistance Fund (Section 10212, p. 2164)
  122. Value-based purchasing program for ambulatory surgical centers (Section 10301, p. 2176)
  123. Demonstration project for payment adjustments to home health services (Section 10315, p. 2200)
  124. Pilot program for care of individuals in environmental emergency declaration areas (Section 10323, p. 2223)
  125. Grant program to screen at-risk individuals for environmental health conditions (Section 10323(b), p. 2231)
  126. Pilot programs to implement value-based purchasing (Section 10326, p. 2242)
  127. Grant program to support community-based collaborative care networks (Section 10333, p. 2265)
  128. Centers for Disease Control Office of Minority Health (Section 10334, p. 2272)
  129. Health Resources and Services Administration Office of Minority Health (Section 10334, p. 2272)
  130. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration Office of Minority Health (Section 10334, p. 2272)
  131. Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality Office of Minority Health (Section 10334, p. 2272)
  132. Food and Drug Administration Office of Minority Health (Section 10334, p. 2272)
  133. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services Office of Minority Health (Section 10334, p. 2272)
  134. Grant program to promote small business wellness programs (Section 10408, p. 2285)
  135. Cures Acceleration Network (Section 10409, p. 2289)
  136. Cures Acceleration Network Review Board (Section 10409, p. 2291)
  137. Grant program for Cures Acceleration Network (Section 10409, p. 2297)
  138. Grant program to promote centers of excellence for depression (Section 10410, p. 2304)
  139. Advisory committee for young women’s breast health awareness education campaign (Section 10413, p. 2322)
  140. Grant program to provide assistance to provide information to young women with breast cancer (Section 10413, p. 2326)
  141. Interagency Access to Health Care in Alaska Task Force (Section 10501, p. 2329)
  142. Grant program to train nurse practitioners as primary care providers (Section 10501(e), p. 2332)
  143. Grant program for community-based diabetes prevention (Section 10501(g), p. 2337)
  144. Grant program for providers who treat a high percentage of medically underserved populations (Section 10501(k), p. 2343)
  145. Grant program to recruit students to practice in underserved communities (Section 10501(l), p. 2344)
  146. Community Health Center Fund (Section 10503, p. 2355)
  147. Demonstration project to provide access to health care for the uninsured at reduced fees (Section 10504, p. 2357)
  148. Demonstration program to explore alternatives to tort litigation (Section 10607, p. 2369)
  149. Indian Health demonstration program for chronic shortages of health professionals (S. 1790, Section 112, p. 24)*
  150. Office of Indian Men’s Health (S. 1790, Section 136, p. 71)*
  151. Indian Country modular component facilities demonstration program (S. 1790, Section 146, p. 108)*
  152. Indian mobile health stations demonstration program (S. 1790, Section 147, p. 111)*
  153. Office of Direct Service Tribes (S. 1790, Section 172, p. 151)*
  154. Indian Health Service mental health technician training program (S. 1790, Section 181, p. 173)*
  155. Indian Health Service program for treatment of child sexual abuse victims (S. 1790, Section 181, p. 192)*
  156. Indian Health Service program for treatment of domestic violence and sexual abuse (S. 1790, Section 181, p. 194)*
  157. Indian youth telemental health demonstration project (S. 1790, Section 181, p. 204)*
  158. Indian youth life skills demonstration project (S. 1790, Section 181, p. 220)*
  159. Indian Health Service Director of HIV/AIDS Prevention and Treatment (S. 1790, Section 199B, p. 258)*

 

*Section 10221, page 2173 of H.R. 3590 deems that S. 1790 shall be deemed as passed with certain amendments.

Obamacare and “The Bright Light of Day”

In a post on the White House blog yesterday, OMB Director Lew chided Congress in general, and Republicans in particular, for daring to attach policy riders to appropriations measures currently working their way through Congress.  Of particular note was the sentence in which Lew stated that “ending health care and Wall Street reform are major policy choices that should be made in the bright light of day, and not attached to appropriations bills needed to keep the government operating.”

Seeing as how Director Lew suggested that Republicans are afraid of considering an Obamacare repeal “in the bright light of day,” it’s worth remembering the absurd lengths this Administration and Democrats in Congress went to in order to enact Obamacare in the first place:

  • Candidate Obama repeatedly promised to televise health care negotiations on C-SPAN, “so that people can see who is making arguments on behalf of their constituents, and who are making arguments on behalf of the drug companies or the insurance companies.”  Instead President Obama and Democrats went and drafted their massive 2,700 page law behind closed doors.  Speaker Pelosi took the frequent President’s campaign pledges for transparency so nonchalantly she laughed it off as a joke.
  • The head of the pharmaceutical industry bragged how Administration officials enticed him, and other industry groups, to cut secret agreements to support Obamacare: “We were assured: ‘We need somebody to come in first.  If you come in first, you will have a rock-solid deal.’”  The details of that “rock-solid deal” between the Administration and Big Pharma have STILL not been released publicly.
  • President Obama himself admitted in a January 2010 interview with Diane Sawyer that “amongst supporters…we just don’t know what’s going on” behind closed doors.  He and Democrats promptly re-grouped, drafting new language to pass the bill – behind closed doors.
  • Democrat Members of Congress said they couldn’t be bothered to read the bill – because it was a waste of time, they needed lawyers to read the bill for them, and because “we have to make judgments very fast.”  Democrat leaders admitted that “If every Member pledged to not vote for it if they hadn’t read it in its entirety, I think we would have very few votes.”
  • Speaker Pelosi famously said we had to pass the bill to find out what’s in it – because she apparently believed the American people couldn’t be told its contents in advance.
  • Even as Administration officials were publicly claiming they were “entirely persuaded” that controversial portions of Obamacare were fiscally sustainable, career officials were calling the same program “a recipe for disaster” – evidence that the Administration concealed their knowledge that the law will ultimately be a budget-buster.
  • Following Ted Kennedy’s death, the White House enlisted Democrat allies in the Massachusetts legislature to pass a partisan bill gaming the Commonwealth’s laws and inserting an appointed Senator who would vote to pass Obamacare – the second time in five years Democrats in the Massachusetts legislature changed the laws for partisan gain, because they apparently viewed a United States Senate seat as their party’s personal property.
  • After the voters in Massachusetts told Democrats they had different ideas and elected a Republican to the Senate, Democrats used an arcane procedure to ram through the 2,700 page bill – a procedure even Speaker Pelosi’s staff called a “trick,” and which one expert said utilized parliamentary tactics to overturn the outcome of an election.

Given this dubious history, Republicans will take no lectures on passing measures “in the bright light of day” from this Administration or Democrats in Congress, who passed an unpopular – and constitutionally questionable – law the American people never wanted.