Hillarycare Redux? A Review of “The System”

A young president promising hope and change takes over the White House. Immediately embarking upon a major health-care initiative, he becomes trapped amidst warring factions in his party in Congress, bickering interest groups, and an angry public, all laying the groundwork for a resounding electoral defeat.

Barack Obama, circa 2009-10? Most definitely. But the same story also applies to Bill Clinton’s first two years in office, a period marked by a health-care debate in 1993-94 that paved the way for the Republican takeover of both houses of Congress.

In their seminal work “The System,” Haynes Johnson and David Broder recount the events of 1993-94 in detail—explaining not just how the Clinton health initiative failed, but also why. Anyone following the debate on Obamacare repeal should take time over the holidays to read “The System” to better understand what may await Congress and Washington next year. After all, why spend time arguing with your in-laws at the holiday table when you can read about people arguing in Congress two decades ago?

Echoes of History

For those following events of the past few years, the Clinton health debate as profiled in “The System” provides interesting echoes between past and present. Here is Karen Ignani of the AFL-CIO, viewed as a single-payer supporter and complaining that insurance companies could still “game the system” under some proposed reforms. Ironic sentiments indeed, as Ignani went on to chair the health insurance industry’s trade association during the Obamacare debate.

There are references to health care becoming a president’s Waterloo—Johnson and Broder attribute that quote to Grover Norquist, years before Sen. Jim DeMint uttered it in 2009. Max Baucus makes an appearance—he opposed in 1994 the employer mandate he included in Obamacare in 2009—as do raucous rallies in the summer of 1994, presaging the Obamacare town halls 15 years later.

Then there are the bigger lessons and themes that helped define the larger debate:

“Events, Dear Boy, Events:” The axiom attributed to Harold Macmillan about leaders being cast adrift by crises out of their control applied to the Clintons’ health-care debate. Foreign crises in Somalia (see “Black Hawk Down”) and Haiti sapped time on the presidential calendar and press attention, and distracted messaging. During the second half of 2009, Obama spent most of his time and energy focused on health care, leading some to conclude he had turned away from solving the economic crisis.

Old Bulls and Power Centers: “The System” spends much more time profiling the chairs of the respective congressional committees—including Dan Rostenkowski at House Ways and Means, John Dingell at House Energy and Commerce, and Patrick Moynihan at Senate Finance—than would have been warranted in 2009-10. While committee chairs held great power in the early 1990s, 15 years later House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid called most of the legislative shots from their leadership offices.

Whereas the House marked up three very different versions of health-care legislation in 1993-94, all three committees started from the same chairman’s mark in 2009. With Speaker Paul Ryan, like John Boehner before him, running a much more diffuse leadership operation than Pelosi’s tightly controlled ship, it remains to be seen whether congressional leaders can drive consensus on both policy strategy and legislative tactics.

The Filibuster: At the beginning of the legislative debate in 1993, Robert Byrd—a guardian of Senate rules and procedures—pleaded for Democrats not to try and enact their health agenda using budget reconciliation procedures to avoid a filibuster. Democrats (begrudgingly) followed his advice in 1993, only to ignore his pleadings 16 years later, using reconciliation to ram through changes to Obamacare. Likewise, what and how Republicans use reconciliation, and Democrats use the filibuster, on health care will doubtless define next year’s Senate debate.

Many Obama White House operatives such as Rahm Emanuel, having lived through the Clinton debate, followed the exact opposite playbook to pass Obamacare.

They used the time between 1993 and 2009 to narrow their policy differences as a party. Rather than debating between a single-payer system and managed competition, most of the political wrangling focused on the narrower issue of a government-run “public option.” Rather than writing a massive, 1,300-page bill and dropping it on Capitol Hill’s lap, they deferred to congressional leaders early on. Rather than bashing special interest groups publicly, they cut “rock-solid deals” behind closed doors to win industry support. While their strategy ultimately led to legislative success, the electoral consequences proved eerily similar.

Lack of Institutional Knowledge

The example of Team Obama aside, Washington and Washingtonians sometimes have short memories. Recently a reporter e-mailed asking me if I knew of someone who used to work on health care issues for Vice President-elect Mike Pence. (Um, have you read my bio…?) Likewise, reporters consider “longtime advisers” those who have worked the issue since the last presidential election. While there is no substitute for experience itself, a robust knowledge of history would come in a close second.

Those who underestimate the task facing congressional Republicans would do well to read “The System.” Having read it for the first time the week of President Obama’s 2009 inauguration, I was less surprised by how that year played out on Capitol Hill than I was surprised by the eerie similarities.

George Santayana’s saying that “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it” bears more than a grain of truth. History may not repeat itself exactly, but it does run in cycles. Those who read “The System” now will better understand the cycle about to unfold before us in the year ahead.

This post was originally published at The Federalist.

Health Information Technology

Background:  Over the past several years, Congress and the Administration have focused on ways to improve the adoption of information technology as one way to foster reform within the health care system.  Advocates of health IT and electronic health records believe that their widespread adoption and use by practitioners could improve the quality of care and reduce the incidence of preventable medical errors, which kill up to 100,000 individuals annually.[1]  Some individuals also assert that health IT could generate significant savings within the health care system, though estimates vary and may be based in part on the systems changes that accompany IT adoption.

Legislative Proposals:  Although health IT legislation has been debated in previous Congresses, no proposal was enacted into law.  As a result, several pieces of legislation have been introduced or re-introduced in the 110th Congress.  In the House, the Energy and Commerce Committee approved on July 23, 2008 H.R. 6357, sponsored by Committee Chairman John Dingell (D-MI) and Ranking Member Joe Barton (R-TX).  The bill would codify the Office of the National Coordinator of Health Information Technology (ONCHIT)—previously established by Executive Order in April 2004—within the Department of Health and Human Services, set guidelines for the federal government and relevant stakeholders to develop health IT standards, and authorize grants for adoption of health technology, including electronic health records.  The bill also creates requirements for entities handling medical records to limit the circumstances under which records may be disclosed, and to notify patients in the event of an electronic data breach.

The Ways and Means Committee—which shares jurisdiction over Medicare with Energy and Commerce—is also expected to weigh in with legislative activity.  Ways and Means Health Subcommittee Ranking Member Dave Camp (R-MI) has introduced health IT legislation, H.R. 6179.  The bill would codify ONCHIT into statute, provide for a streamlined process for the promulgation of IT standards (including privacy standards), make permanent a regulatory exception promulgated by the Administration allowing hospitals to purchase IT software for physicians, and create new tax incentives for physicians to expense the cost necessary to implement a system of electronic health records.

In the Senate, the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee marked up S. 1693, sponsored by Chairman Ted Kennedy (D-MA), on June 27, 2007.  The bill is broadly similar to H.R. 6357, and includes provisions codifying ONCHIT’s role, authorizing grants for health IT promotion, and incorporating stricter privacy standards.  Press reports indicate that staff attempted to “hotline” the legislation before the August recess, but that objections from several offices precluded passage by unanimous consent.

Implications of Legislation:  While most policy-makers agree on the desirability of additional IT adoption by health practitioners, clarifying the federal role in such activity has proved more problematic.  As Congress considers potential legislative action to promote health IT, four key areas remain subject to controversy surrounding the federal government’s proper role.  These include:

Funding:  Several health IT bills—including both H.R. 6357 and S. 1693—authorize grants to promote interoperability among electronic health record systems and the adoption of health information technology.  H.R. 6357 authorizes $575 million over five years for grants to physicians, states, or local health-related entities to promote the effective use of IT, and an additional $20 million over two years for clinical education grants.   Similarly, S. 1693 authorizes $278 million over two years for grants to providers, states seeking to establish health IT loan programs, and the development of local or regional health IT plans, while including additional authorizations for clinical education grants and grants to promote telehealth services.  Some conservatives may question the need to authorize this additional new spending, and agree with the Administration’s position that market forces, not direct subsidies, are the most effective way to stimulate the growth of electronic health records and related technology.

Another approach discussed to promote the adoption of health IT focuses on adjustments to Medicare reimbursement rates—payment increases for adopters and/or payment reductions for non-adopters.  Such an approach was included in e-prescribing provisions attached to the latest Medicare physician payment legislation (P.L. 110-275).  Some conservatives may have both a specific and a general concern with this approach: first that any reimbursement adjustments be implemented in a budget-neutral manner, and second that any linkage between physician payment levels and health IT adoption could be perceived as a further attempt by the federal government to micro-manage the practice of medicine for physicians nationwide.

A third approach would utilize tax incentives—in the form of accelerated depreciation or increased deductions for the purchase of equipment related to electronic health records—as a means to spur greater health IT adoption.  While some conservatives may believe that tax expenditures constitute a more effective means of encouraging adoption of electronic health records than the direct government spending in the two examples above, others may question the necessity of federal involvement to promote health technology when other industries have adopted technological innovations much more quickly.

Some conservatives may believe that this central question—Why did it take only a few years to develop nationwide ATM networks, but decades to spur health IT adoption?—speaks to one of the fundamental drawbacks of the current health system: the distortionary effects of third-party payment.  While patients may be willing to pay for the benefits associated with an electronic health record, or the convenience of an e-mail consultation with a physician, many private insurance companies’ reimbursement and coverage decisions continue to follow the example of a Medicare program frequently slow to respond to changes in medical care.  Therefore, some conservatives may support initiatives like Health Savings Accounts as one way to minimize the effects of third-party payment and better align patient and physician incentives, improving the quality of care and thereby reducing the growth in costs.

Privacy:  Under current law, electronic health records, along with other paper-based health information, are regulated by standards promulgated pursuant to the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA, P.L. 104-191).  The law subjects “covered entities”—health plans, health clearinghouses, and providers who transmit any health information in electronic form—to a series of standards issued by the Department of Health and Human Services, commonly called the HIPAA Privacy Rule.[2]  In general, the Privacy Rule requires covered entities to obtain consent for the disclosure of protected health information—defined as health information that identifies the individual, or can reasonably be expected to identify the individual—except when related to “treatment, payment, or health care operations.”[3]  The regulations include several exceptions to the pre-disclosure consent requirement, including public health surveillance, activities related to law enforcement, scientific research, and serious threats to health and safety.[4]

In addition, current HIPAA regulations include a separate Security Rule, requiring covered entities and their business associates to safeguard protected health information held electronically.  The rule includes administrative, physical, and technical safeguards that covered entities must follow, and permits entities to contract with business associates to implement the regulatory requirements.[5]  Covered entities are not in compliance with the HIPAA Security Rule only if they become aware of “a pattern of an activity or practice” by the business associate in breach of its contract and the HIPAA security standards, yet fail to take remedial action.[6]

While supporting the desirability of personal medical information remaining private, some conservatives may also believe that privacy standards should not be implemented in a way that impedes the functioning of the health care system.  For instance, restrictions on “marketing” could be construed in such a way as to preclude pharmacists from e-mailing patient reminders to refill prescriptions, or consider cheaper generic drugs—both of which could be seen as unfortunate outcomes.  Similarly, requiring patient consent to utilize electronic health information for auditing purposes could be an invitation for patients to commit fraud, thereby encouraging criminal activity that raises costs for all individuals.

To the extent that Congress decides to incorporate a breach notification regime into health IT legislation, some conservatives may support setting clear standards for when notification is required, and safe harbor provisions for entities that act promptly to remedy any breaches that may occur.  Some conservatives may also support federal pre-emption with respect to breach notification provisions, so that covered entities will not be subjected to a patchwork of conflicting state laws.  In that same vein, some conservatives may be concerned by the implications of any attempt to introduce or expand a private right of action for individuals affected by security breaches that could serve as a breeding ground for costly litigation.

Physician Self-Referral:  One of the perceived impediments to wider health IT implementation lay in existing laws regarding physician self-referral.  In general, the so-called Stark law prohibits physicians who receive Medicare payments from referring their patients to entities with whom the physician has a financial relationship.[7]  While the statute contains a number of exceptions to the general prohibition, no portion of existing law would provide a safe harbor for a hospital or health system to donate health IT equipment to physician offices.

In response, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) in August 2006 published final regulations under which the Administration used its authority to create a “safe harbor” with respect to the Stark self-referral laws and health IT promotion; the same day, the Inspector General at the Department of Health and Human Services created a similar safe harbor with respect to the federal anti-kickback statute.[8]  Although the exception was intended to encourage the adoption of health IT by physicians and other providers without facing possible adverse legal actions, the regulations contain several potential drawbacks: the exception covers health IT software, but not hardware; requires a 15% payment by physician recipients; and, perhaps most importantly, expires in December 2013.

Some conservatives may support actions that expand the health IT exception created by the Administration to address its limitations and protect physicians from unnecessary regulations and/or legal action by CMS.  The self-referral exception created for electronic prescribing as mandated by Congress in the Medicare Modernization Act (P.L. 108-173) covered electronic hardware, providing little reason to qualify the exception with respect to electronic health records.  The required 15% payment by physician recipients appears contradictory to the exception’s purpose; a gift is either inappropriate or it isn’t—the size of any payment by a physician to the donor bears little semblance to the inherent nature of the relationship.  Finally, some conservatives may believe that eliminating the sunset date would provide important regulatory certainty for both physicians and the health IT community, rather than relying upon a future Administration and future Congresses to determine whether and how the self-referral exception should be extended.

Liability:  Unstated in most discussions about health information technology legislation is the impact which widespread health IT adoption may have on the current medical liability system.  Nevertheless, it may be reasonable to believe that the clarity afforded by electronic health records may have a measurable impact on tort claims—improved coordination of care may eliminate some medical errors before they occur, while the distinctions between frivolous and meritorious claims may become more clear.

Given this dynamic, some conservatives may support provisions in health IT legislation which create safe harbors for providers following accepted standards of care, as one potential way to minimize any increased costs associated with defensive medicine practices.  Additionally, some conservatives may view a health IT bill as a logical vehicle to attach liability reform provisions that reduce the number of frivolous lawsuits, allow for fair and reasonable compensation for individuals with legitimate claims, and encourage providers to utilize adverse events to improve the quality of future care.

Conclusion:  While health IT holds significant progress in terms of its ability to improve the quality of care and its potential to slow the growth in costs, its promise may rise or fall on the regime under which new technology is adopted.  If improperly implemented, costly new health IT mandates could spark senior physicians to take early retirement, depriving patients of well-trained and trusted providers.  Similarly, proposals that impose regulatory burdens that balkanize care in the name of privacy, while encouraging lawsuits against physicians and/or software providers, may well only inhibit the adoption of effective health IT and increase, rather than reduce, the growth of health costs.

Recognizing that the devil does indeed lie in the details, some conservatives may be cautious about assessing the implications of the final legislative product before supporting a health IT bill.  Specifically, while many conservatives may support legislation that reduces unnecessary regulations and avoids imposing new onerous burdens, bills that include significant increases in federal regulations and/or government spending may warrant stricter scrutiny.  Consistent with a belief that smaller government will allow private enterprise to thrive, conservatives may believe that a minimalist approach to health IT provides the best opportunity to allow the health system to create the innovative approaches to care that can slow the growth of costs.

 

[1] Institute of Medicine, To Err Is Human: Building a Safer Health System, summary available online at http://www.iom.edu/Object.File/Master/4/117/ToErr-8pager.pdf (accessed March 1, 2008).

[2] The definition of covered entity can be found at 42 U.S.C. 1320d-1(a); the HIPAA Privacy Rule can be found at 45 C.F.R. 160 and 164.

[3] Definitions of protected health information and individually identifiable health information can be found at 45 C.F.R. 160.103; permitted use for “treatment, payment, or health care operations” can be found at 45 C.F.R. 164.506.

[4] The full list can be found at 45 C.F.R. 164.512.

[5] The safeguards are found at 45 C.F.R. 164.308, 164.310, and 164.312, respectively.

[6] Language can be found at 45 C.F.R. 164.314(a)(1)(ii).

[7] The Stark law can be found at 42 U.S.C. 1395nn.

[8] The regulations can be found at http://www.cms.hhs.gov/PhysicianSelfReferral/Downloads/CMS-1303-F.pdf and http://oig.hhs.gov/authorities/docs/06/OIG%20E-Prescribing%20Final%20Rule%20080806.pdf, respectively (accessed August 25, 2008).

Weekly Newsletter: July 21, 2008

Resolution Would Block SCHIP Funds from Being Targeted to Poor Children

Last week, a group of Senators introduced a Resolution of Disapproval (S. J. Res. 44) designed to nullify guidance put forward by the Administration regarding state efforts to expand government-funded health insurance coverage to higher-income children. The guidance, issued last August and revised this May, provides a list of steps states must take in order to expand coverage to children in families making over 250% of the federal poverty level (approximately $50,000 for a family of four), and to ensure that states do not encourage families to drop private insurance coverage in order to obtain coverage through a government program.

Many conservatives may be surprised and disappointed by this resolution, which if successful would effectively give states a disincentive to reach out and enroll poorer-income children if children from wealthier families can be more easily found and enrolled in government-funded coverage. Particularly as the Administration has issued clarifying guidance noting that no child need be dropped off the SCHIP rolls while states implement this new policy, some conservatives may question why Democrats would prefer to extend government-funded health insurance to families making $80,000 or more, while neglecting to ensure that poorer children receive first preference for SCHIP enrollment.

An RSC Policy Brief on the Administration’s SCHIP Guidance can be found here.

Medicaid Bailout for States Receives Committee Hearing

This week the House Energy and Commerce Committee will hold a Subcommittee hearing on legislation (H.R. 5268) designed to provide a temporary increase in the Medicaid matching rate provided to states. News reports suggest that the Democrat leadership may attempt to attach similar provisions to a second “stimulus” package being considered by the Congressional majority.

Some conservatives may be concerned that this legislation—which was proposed, and rejected, during negotiations over the first “stimulus” bill passed in January—would not provide any “stimulus” at all, instead substituting federal Medicaid spending for state dollars, at a significant cost to the federal budget deficit. Given an Urban Institute study suggesting that lost revenue—and not increases in Medicaid enrollment—generates a measurably larger impact on state budgets during economic downturns, some conservatives may view H.R. 5268 as providing a bailout to states, which did not engage in proper budgetary planning, that will only encourage “moral hazard” among states with flawed revenue projection models.

The legislation being considered also includes provisions designed to disregard “extraordinary pension contributions” for purposes of calculating each state’s Medicaid match rate. Because the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services has noted that Michigan—home to full Committee Chairman John Dingell—is the only state that would benefit from such a change, some conservatives may consider this provision an authorizing earmark and object to its inclusion.

An RSC Policy Brief on Medicaid matching formulae can be found here.

Documents of Note: Democrats Defend Entitlement Spending on the Wealthy

Last Wednesday, RSC Chairman Hensarling submitted an op-ed to the Washington Times discussing Medicare legislation recently enacted over the President’s veto. The article noted that the Democrat-constructed bill pits groups of low-income seniors against each other—by adding subsidies for some, while taking away access to Medicare Advantage for millions—all the while doing nothing to make billionaires like Warren Buffett and George Soros pay $2 per day more for prescription drug coverage.

Read the op-ed here.

And as Congress once again may consider SCHIP-related legislation, some conservatives may find the colloquy between Rep. Mike Burgess (R-TX) and House Energy and Commerce Chairman Dingell from last October enlightening. In it, Chairman Dingell admitted that states can choose to disregard tens of thousands of dollars of income from families applying for SCHIP—thus making families with six-figure incomes potentially subject to government-funded health insurance for “poor” children.

Question and Answer: Medicaid Anti-Fraud Legislation

In advance of the floor vote on legislation (H.R. 5613) regarding several Medicaid regulations, the RSC has prepared the following document providing context and background information on the proposal.

What would H.R. 5613 do?

H.R. 5613 would extend certain existing moratoria on the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), prohibiting the agency from promulgating rules related to the integrity of the Medicaid program until April 1, 2009.  In addition, H.R. 5613 would impose additional new moratoria on CMS relating to other proposed Medicaid regulations, also until April 2009.

Why have these regulations been issued?

Since 1994, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) has compiled more than a dozen reports highlighting problems with Medicaid financing, and specifically the ways in which state governments attempt to “game” Medicaid reimbursement policies in order to maximize the amount of federal revenue funding state health care programs.  The persistent shortcomings in federal oversight of these state funding schemes prompted GAO to add the Medicaid program to its list of federal entities at high risk of mismanagement, waste, and abuse in 2003.

Many of the GAO reports—as well as audits performed by the Department of Health and Human Services’ Inspector General—have included calls for additional federal oversight around various state Medicaid reimbursement initiatives, particularly the need for clear and consistently applied guidance from CMS about the permissiveness of various financing arrangements.  Several of CMS’ proposed regulations attempt to remedy this problem, and restore clarity and fiscal integrity to the Medicaid program.

Why is CMS publishing clearer regulatory standards on a permanent basis?

Press reports, as well as the GAO studies and Inspector General audits, have provided several specific examples of waste, fraud, and abuse in the Medicaid program:

  • Over $300 million—far more than any other state Medicaid program—in spending by the New York state Medicaid program on transportation services, some of which involved rides for seniors mobile enough to rely on public transportation and other services which investigators believe may not have been performed at all; [1]
  • A May 2003 claim for Medicaid targeted case management reimbursement that included the following notation from the case manager explaining her contact with the beneficiary:

Phone call with mother.  Discussed the outstanding warrant for [name redacted].  She does not know where he is.  She will call police when he shows up;

  • Rehabilitation services that include such activities as trips to Wal-Mart and bingo games;
  • A New York nursing home that was forced to return more than half its gross revenues to state and county offices, resulting in net revenues that were $20 million less than its operating costs—and creating significant staffing shortages that may have affected patients’ quality of care.[2]

Does this bill rely on a PAYGO gimmick?

According the Congressional Budget Office, the bill withdraws more than $750 million from the Physician Assistance and Quality Improvement (PAQI) fund in 2013.  While H.R. 5613 replenishes the PAQI fund in later fiscal years, some conservatives may be concerned that a mechanism designed to reward physician quality is being used as a “slush fund” to overcome what would otherwise be a scoring problem under the five-year budgetary model and House PAYGO rules.

How much does this bill cost?

According to the Congressional Budget Office, a moratorium prohibiting further regulatory action by CMS until April 2009 costs $1.65 billion over both five and ten years.  However, this score presumes the full implementation of the regulations in April 2009 under a new Administration.  If the moratoria are maintained, the lost savings would total $17.8 billion over five years, and $42.2 billion over ten.

Could a future Administration decide to withdraw the pending regulations before they go into full effect?

Yes.  In fact, staff for Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman Dingell have publicly stated that H.R. 5613 is intended to delay the implementation of the Medicaid rules just long enough so that a future Administration can withdraw them.

If a future Administration chose to withdraw some or all of the regulations, how much savings would the Executive branch have to find to replace the foregone $40 billion in savings?

Not a dime.  PAYGO rules apply only to House consideration of legislation, and do not extend to Executive branch actions.

Does the Administration support H.R. 5613?

No.  In a Statement of Administration Policy released yesterday, the White House placed a veto threat on H.R. 5613 because it would “put billions of dollars of Federal funds at risk, and would turn back progress that has already been made to stop abusive State practices” in Medicaid.

Should H.R. 5613 be considered under suspension of the rules?

During debate on H.R. 5613, Energy and Commerce Ranking Member Joe Barton—a supporter of the bill—expressed his disappointment that, given the importance of the bill and the Administration’s veto threat on it, the bill was not brought to the floor under a rule, to allow additional time for deliberation and debate—as well as an opportunity for a Republican motion to recommit the legislation.

Do states believe that their current actions on Medicaid are appropriate?

During the Energy and Commerce Committee hearing on H.R. 5613, most witnesses supporting the legislation—and opposing the regulations—did not attempt to argue the point that the regulations are inappropriate, or that there are not abuses currently within the Medicaid system.  Most of the testimony from witnesses—and most of the arguments made by Members supporting the legislation—instead focused on the impact for hospitals, states, and local governments associated with losing a current source of funding.

In addition, several states have reached agreement with CMS on curtailing practices that various audits have identified as being inconsistent with the fiscal integrity of the Medicaid program and its shared federal-state partnership.  The regulations that would be blocked by H.R. 5613 attempt to codify these clear standards for states and future Administrations to follow in future years.

Do States not need the money in the current economic environment? 

According to the liberal Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, the combined total of all states deficits in FY 2009 is expected to be $40 billion.  The federal government faces a FY 2009 deficit of $340 billion—8.5 times greater than the combined shortfall facing the states—and lacks a balanced budget requirement that many states are forced to operate under.  In addition, much of the financial difficulties facing states results from their expansions of the Medicaid program in recent years that they now cannot afford.

Haven’t Congressional Republicans recently taken action to slow the growth in Medicaid spending and improve Medicaid’s fiscal integrity?

Yes.  The Deficit Reduction Act (P.L. 109-171), which passed in December 2005 with the support of 212 Members—all Republicans—included $4.8 billion in Medicaid savings over five years as a first attempt to restore its fiscal integrity by slowing its growth.  However, if the moratoria remain intact, those modest reductions in Medicaid’s growth rate would be more than exceeded by the $16-18 billion in foregone savings over five years associated with the regulations’ repeal.

Why is reforming Medicaid so important? 

The growth of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security are unsustainable.  These entitlement programs have a total unfunded liability of more than $50 trillion, which amounts to over $450,000 for every American family.  A baby girl born this morning in America automatically inherits a full mortgage as she takes her first breath.  By 2040, taxes would need to double in order to pay for the compounded spending if the federal budget is left on automatic pilot—and that’s assuming no more additional spending.  If taxes are not doubled, by 2040, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid—just three programs—will crowd out all other national priorities in the federal budget, including defense programs, veterans programs, etc.  Some conservatives may be concerned that this bill is an attempt to undo a modest effort on the part of the Administration to begin rooting out waste, fraud, and abuse in Medicaid and slow its growth.

What changes were made to the bill in Committee?

During consideration in the Energy and Commerce Committee, Chairman Dingell and Ranking Member Joe Barton (R-TX) reached agreement on several modifications to the legislation.  The revised language narrowed the scope of the proposed moratoria to permit CMS to engage in outreach activities with states to curtail abusive and/or questionable financing tactics, while maintaining the moratoria on CMS’ ability to enact clear standards prohibiting these activities permanently.  In addition, the substitute language adopted in Committee included increased funding for anti-fraud enforcement, an independent study assessing the need for the regulations and their potential impact on states, and inclusion of an asset verification system to pay for the moratorium.  Some conservatives may argue that, while these changes have improved the bill, GAO has provided Congress with a wealth of studies highlighting problems that the CMS regulations blocked by H.R. 5613 seek to address.

 

[1] Clifford Levy and Michael Luo, “Medicaid Fraud May Reach into Billions,” The New York Times 18 July 2005, available online at http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/18/nyregion/18medicaid.html?_r=1&pagewanted=print&oref=slogin (accessed March 29, 2008).

[2] “Adequacy of Medicaid Payments to Albany County Nursing Home,” (Washington, DC, Department of Health and Human Services Office of the Inspector General Report #A-02-02-01020), available online at http://oig.hhs.gov/oas/reports/region2/20201020.pdf (accessed April 20, 2008), pp. 6-7.

Legislative Bulletin: H.R. 5613, Protecting the Medicaid Safety Net Act

Order of Business:  The bill is scheduled to be considered on Tuesday, April 22nd, under a motion to suspend the rules and pass the bill.

Summary:  H.R. 5613 would extend certain existing moratoria on the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), prohibiting the agency from promulgating rules related to the integrity of the Medicaid program until April 1, 2009.  In particular, the bill would extend moratoria on proposed regulations placing restrictions on intergovernmental transfers and restricting payments for graduate medical education; the prohibitions were first enacted as part of last year’s supplemental wartime appropriation (P.L. 110-28) and are scheduled to expire on May 25, 2008.  The bill would also extend prohibitions on CMS regulations relating to rehabilitation services, as well as school-based administrative and transportation services; these prohibitions were first enacted in Medicare physician payment legislation (P.L. 110-173) last December, and are scheduled to expire on June 30, 2008.

In addition, H.R. 5613 would impose additional new moratoria on CMS relating to other proposed Medicaid regulations, also until April 2009.  Specifically, the bill would prohibit the Secretary of Health and Human Services from imposing additional restrictions with respect to targeted case management payments, the definition of outpatient hospital services, and Medicaid provider taxes (with certain exceptions).

The bill also appropriates an additional $25 million per year to CMS for the purposes of anti-fraud enforcement activity within the Medicaid program.

H.R. 5613 includes two reports to Congress on the proposed regulations.  By July 1, 2008, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) will report on its justification and authority for proposing the regulations.  The bill also includes $5 million in appropriations for HHS to hire an independent contractor to produce a report by March 1, 2009, on the proposed regulations and their impact on states.

H.R. 5613 also extends a web-based asset verification system to all 50 states, effective by the end of fiscal year 2013.  This provision would expand the Social Security Administration’s Supplemental Security Income (SSI) pilot program, giving states a new tool for verifying the assets of Medicaid recipients.  Currently, such a system only exists as a demonstration project in three states: California, New Jersey, and New York.

Additional Background on Changes Made in Committee:  During consideration in the Energy and Commerce Committee, Chairman Dingell and Ranking Member Joe Barton (R-TX) reached agreement on several modifications to the legislation.  The revised language incorporated at Subcommittee narrowed the scope of the proposed moratoria to permit CMS to engage in outreach activities with states.  Over the past several years, CMS has used various state-level audits to reach agreements with state Medicaid agencies to curtail abusive and/or questionable financing tactics.  The revised language in H.R. 5613 would permit CMS to continue these individual consent agreements with states, while maintaining the moratoria on CMS’ ability to enact regulations prohibiting these activities permanently.

In addition, the substitute language adopted in Committee included the additional $25 million per year in anti-fraud enforcement, as well as an independent study assessing the need for the regulations and their potential impact on states.  The Committee substitute also incorporated the web-based asset verification system to pay for the moratorium; the Administration had previously suggested that this program be extended as a savings mechanism to finance portions of the farm bill.

Additional Background on Proposed Regulations:  During the past year, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) has attempted to move forward on several proposed regulations addressing specific issues and service areas within the Medicaid program.  Many of these regulations respond to Government Accountability Office (GAO) studies and reports by the HHS Inspector General highlighting areas where the fiscal integrity of the Medicaid program needed improvement.  A brief summary of each rule that would be halted by H.R. 5613 follows:

Intergovernmental Transfers:  This rule would limit reimbursement for publicly-owned health providers to costs incurred, narrow the definition of unit of government, and require providers to retain all Medicaid payments, in order to restrain intergovernmental transfers designed primarily to maximize states’ federal Medicaid payments.  A final rule was issued on May 29, 2007; the moratorium currently in place expires on May 25, 2008.  The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) scores this regulation as saving $9.0 billion in federal outlays over five years, and $22.0 billion over a decade.

Graduate Medical Education:  This rule would eliminate Medicaid reimbursement for graduate medical education, on the grounds that reimbursements for medical training are outside the statutory scope of the Medicaid program.  A Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM) was issued on May 23, 2007; the current moratorium expires May 25, 2008.  Five year estimated savings are $0.8 billion, and ten year estimated savings are $1.9 billion.

School-Based Administrative and Transportation Services:  This rule would prohibit federal Medicaid payments for administrative activities performed by schools and transportation of children to and from school.  In some instances, school districts bill Medicaid for transporting students to and from school, even though this is an educational expense, not a reimbursable medical expense.  In addition, HHS audits found that schools were claiming capital and debt service as “administrative services” subject to Medicaid reimbursement.  The proposed rule would not alter the current policy of reimbursing schools for bona fide medical expenses incurred on school property, such as speech therapy.  A final rule was issued December 28, 2007; the current moratorium expires June 30, 2008.  Five year estimated savings are $4.2 billion, and ten year savings are estimated at $10.2 billion.

Rehabilitation Services:  This rule would restrict the scope of rehabilitation services subject to the federal Medicaid match and eliminate coverage of day habilitation services for individuals with developmental disabilities.  In many instances, CMS has found that states have billed therapeutic foster care as a “bundled” payment, resulting in federal payments for activities related to foster care as opposed to direct medical expenses.  In other cases, state plans for reimbursable expenses include recreational or social activities not directly related to rehabilitative goals.  An NPRM was issued on August 13, 2007; the current moratorium expires on June 30, 2008.  CBO scores this change as saving $1.4 billion over five years, and $3.5 billion over a decade.

Outpatient Hospital Services:  This rule would restrict the scope of Medicaid outpatient hospital services and clarify the upper payment classification for outpatient services to align more closely with the Medicare definition of outpatient services.  An NPRM was issued on September 28, 2007; no moratorium is currently in place.  Five year savings are estimated at $0.3 billion, and ten year savings are estimated at $0.7 billion.

Targeted Case Management:  This rule would restrict the scope of targeted case management services, and specify that Medicaid will not reimburse states for services where another third party is liable for payment.  In many cases, HHS audits have found a lack of documentation related to targeted case management claims, or state plans for reimbursement that fall outside the scope of the Medicaid program’s focus on medical services.  A final rule was issued December 4, 2007, subject to an implementation date of March 3, 2008.  The change would save an estimated $1.5 billion over five years, and $3.3 billion over ten.

Provider Taxes:  This rule would reduce the permissible level of Medicaid provider taxes, as included in the Tax Relief and Health Care Act of 2006 (P.L. 109-432), and would also clarify the hold harmless provision for provider taxes with respect to the positive correlation between the level of provider taxes imposed by states and direct or indirect Medicaid payments from states back to providers.  A final rule was issued February 22, 2008, subject to a compliance date of October 1, 2008.  Five and ten year savings are estimated at $0.6 billion.

In total, the proposed regulations are collectively projected to result in approximately $16-18 billion in savings to the federal government over the next five fiscal years, and more than $42 billion over a decade.[1]  By point of comparison, these savings would constitute just over 1% of total federal spending on Medicaid, which over the next five years is estimated to total more than $1.2 trillion.[2]

Additional Background on GAO Reports of Medicaid Abuses:  Since 1994, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) has compiled more than a dozen reports highlighting problems with Medicaid financing, and specifically the ways in which state governments attempt to “game” Medicaid reimbursement policies in order to maximize the amount of federal revenue funding state health care programs.  The persistent shortcomings in federal oversight of these state funding schemes prompted GAO to add the Medicaid program to its list of federal entities at high risk of mismanagement, waste, and abuse in 2003.

Several of the GAO reports discuss state reimbursement efforts for several of the services CMS proposes to change in its new regulations.  For instance, testimony in June 2005 analyzed the ways in which 34 states—up from 10 in 2002—employed contingency-fee consultants to maximize federal Medicaid payments.  The report found that from 2000-2004, Georgia obtained $1.5 billion in additional reimbursements, and Massachusetts $570 million.[3]  The report concluded that the states’ claims for targeted case management “appear to be inconsistent with current CMS policy” and claims for rehabilitation services “were inconsistent with federal law.”[4]

In other areas, GAO found potentially inappropriate behavior—higher reimbursements for school-based health and administrative services that were not fully passed on to the relevant school districts, and questionable administrative costs, such as a 100% claim on a Massachusetts state official’s salary as a Medicaid administrative cost, even though the official worked on unrelated projects for other states designed to increase their own Medicaid reimbursements.[5]

The GAO reports also demonstrate states’ use of intergovernmental transfers to maximize federal Medicaid reimbursements.  In these schemes, local-government health facilities transfer funds to the state Medicaid agency.  The Medicaid agency in turn transfers funds back to the local-government facility—but not before filing a claim with CMS to obtain federal reimbursement.  Although permissible under current law in many cases, GAO found that these schemes “are inconsistent with Medicaid’s federal-state partnership and fiscal integrity.”[6]

Many of the GAO reports over the past decade—whose titles are listed at the bottom of this bulletin—have included calls for additional federal oversight around various state Medicaid reimbursement initiatives, particularly the need for clear and consistently applied guidance from CMS about the permissiveness of various financing arrangements.[7]  Several of CMS’ proposed regulations attempt to remedy this problem, and restore clarity and fiscal integrity to the Medicaid program.

Additional Background on Medicaid Waste and Fraud: Although much of the debate surrounding the proposed CMS regulations has centered on the proper scope and limits of covered services within the Medicaid program, it is also worth noting the considerable amount of waste and criminal fraud present within some state Medicaid programs.  An extensive investigation published by The New York Times in July 2005 revealed several examples of highly questionable activity within the New York Medicaid program:

  • A Brooklyn dentist who billed Medicaid for performing 991 procedures in a single day;
  • One physician who wrote 12% of all the prescriptions purchased by New York Medicaid for an AIDS-related drug to treat wasting syndrome—allegedly so the steroid could be re-sold on the black market to bodybuilders;
  • Over $300 million—far more than any other state Medicaid program—in spending on transportation services, some of which involved rides for seniors mobile enough to rely on public transportation and other services which investigators believe may not have been performed at all; and
  • A school administrator in Buffalo who in a single day recommended that 4,434 students receive speech therapy funded by Medicaid—part of $1.2 billion in improper spending by the state on speech services, according to a federal audit.

A former state investigator of Medicaid abuse estimated that fraudulent claims totaled approximately 40% of all Medicaid spending in New York—nearly $18 billion per year, which may help explain why New York’s Medicaid expenditures greatly exceed California’s, despite a smaller overall population and fewer Medicaid beneficiaries.[8]

However, other audits emphasize that in some cases, providers can be victims of state efforts to reclaim additional federal Medicaid dollars.  A 2004 report from the Department of Health and Human Services’ Inspector General found that New York state required a nursing home to return more than half of its Medicaid revenues to the state, resulting in net revenues to the nursing home that were $20 million less than its operating costs.  The report noted:

The state’s upper-payment-limit funding approach benefited the state and the county more than the nursing home.  The state received $20 million more than it expended for the nursing home’s Medicaid residents without effectively contributing any money, and the county was reimbursed 100 percent for its upper-payment-limit contribution.  We are concerned that the federal government in effect provided almost all of the nursing home’s Medicaid funding, contrary to the principle that Medicaid is a shared responsibility of the federal and state governments.

The audit went on to note that the high level of Medicaid payments the nursing home was required to return to the state—and the operating losses the nursing home incurred on its Medicaid patients as a result—led to significant levels of understaffing that may have affected the quality of care provided to patients.[9]

Other HHS audits reflect Medicaid reimbursement submissions by states that either lack appropriate documentation for the claims or represent inappropriate use of Medicaid resources.  For example, one May 2003 claim for Medicaid targeted case management reimbursement included the following notation from the case manager explaining her contact with the beneficiary:

Phone call with mother.  Discussed the outstanding warrant for [name redacted].  She does not know where he is.  She will call police when he shows up.

While it may represent good public policy for this type of contact—which attempted to locate a juvenile for whom an outstanding arrest warrant existed—some conservatives would argue that such actions lie outside the scope of the Medicaid program’s intent and represent a far-from-ideal expenditure of federal matching dollars.

Committee Action:  On March 13, 2008, the bill was introduced and referred to the Energy and Commerce Committee.  On April 16, 2008, the full Energy and Commerce Committee reported the bill to the full House by a vote of 46-0.

Possible Conservative Concerns:  Numerous aspects of this legislation may raise concerns for conservatives, including, but not necessarily limited to, the following:

  • Process.  H.R. 5613 is being brought to the House floor under suspension of the rules, a procedure generally reserved for minor authorizations and smaller pieces of legislation, such as the naming of post offices.  Some conservatives may be concerned that a bill costing over a billion dollars is being rushed through House floor consideration under expedited procedures.
  • Budgetary Gimmick.  In order to comply with PAYGO rules, H.R. 5613 would impose a moratorium on CMS action until April 2009—and the legislation contains provisions offsetting the cost to the federal government for all savings not realized through that date.  However, staff for Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman Dingell have publicly stated that H.R. 5613 is intended to delay the implementation of the Medicaid rules just long enough so that a future Administration can withdraw them.  Because withdrawing the regulations would result in approximately $16-18 billion in lost savings to the federal government over five years, and because action taken by a future Administration would not be subject to PAYGO, some conservatives may believe that H.R. 5613’s sponsors intend to violate the spirit, if not the letter, of the PAYGO requirement under House rules.
  • Undermine Previous Republican Efforts to Reform Medicaid.  In December 2005, 212 Members of Congress—all Republicans—voted for legislation (P.L. 109-171) that generated less than $4.8 billion in savings from the Medicaid program as a first attempt to restore its fiscal integrity.  However, if the moratoria remain intact, those modest reductions in Medicaid’s growth rate would be more than exceeded by the $16-18 billion in foregone savings associated with the regulations’ repeal.
  • Encourage State Efforts to “Game” the Medicaid Program.  As highlighted above, nearly three dozen states have in recent years hired contingency fee consultants designed to maximize the portion of Medicaid costs paid for by the federal government.  Blocking regulations designed to respond to funding mechanisms which states and their consultants have established—and more than a dozen GAO reports over nearly 15 years have criticized—may only further encourage states to take steps that increase federal costs and  undermine Medicaid’s fiscal integrity.
  • Harm Hospitals and Other Providers.  As explained above, HHS Inspector General reports have revealed that various funding mechanisms designed to increase federal Medicaid revenues for states have often had the ancillary effect of reducing net payments to providers.  H.R. 5613, by blocking regulations designed to ensure that payments to Medicaid providers do not become ensnared in various schemes by states to increase federal Medicaid spending, may prevent some providers from seeing their net Medicaid payments rise when the proposed regulations take effect.

Administration Position:  Although the Statement of Administration Policy (SAP) was not available at press time, Health and Human Services Secretary Leavitt has previously written to Energy and Commerce Chairman Dingell and Ranking Member Barton indicating that the Administration strongly opposes H.R. 5613 and would recommend a Presidential veto.

Cost to Taxpayers:  A final score of the bill was not available at press time.  However, a preliminary CBO estimate indicated that H.R. 5613’s moratorium through April 2009 on the issuance of seven proposed regulations would cost taxpayers $1.65 billion over five and ten years.  However, as noted above, this score presumes the full implementation of the regulations in April 2009 under a new Administration.  Outright repeal of the regulations would cost $16.5 billion over five years—ten times the cost of H.R. 5613.

Additional mandatory spending—both $25 million annually for CMS anti-fraud enforcement activity with respect to Medicaid, and $5 million for an independent study on the proposed regulations—would cost $129 million over five years, and $254 million over ten.

H.R. 5613 would pay for this spending by extending an asset verification pilot program currently operating in three states to all 50 states, saving $1.0 billion over five years and $4.5 billion over ten.  The bill would also make adjustments to the Physician Assistance and Quality Improvement (PAQI) fund to comply with five-year PAYGO scoring rules, and deposit the additional savings over and above the ten-year cost of the moratoria.  Reports indicate that the $2.6 billion in additional ten-year savings will be withdrawn from the PAQI fund later this year to help finance Medicare physician reimbursement legislation.

Does the Bill Expand the Size and Scope of the Federal Government?:  Yes, the bill would prohibit CMS from taking administrative actions (which are already built into CBO’s budgetary baseline) to prevent states from expanding the scope of the Medicaid program.

Does the Bill Contain Any New State-Government, Local-Government, or Private-Sector Mandates?:  No.

Does the Bill Comply with House Rules Regarding Earmarks/Limited Tax Benefits/Limited Tariff Benefits?:  A Committee report citing compliance with House earmark disclosure rules was unavailable at press time.

Constitutional Authority:  A Committee report citing constitutional authority was unavailable at press time.

 

[1] Because CMS proposals with respect to rehabilitation services (estimated savings of $1.4 billion over five years), graduate medical education ($0.8 billion estimated savings), and the definition of outpatient hospital services ($0.3 billion estimated savings) are at the proposed rulemaking stage, CBO assigns a baseline weighting factor of 50% to the proposed regulations, reflecting the uncertainties of the rulemaking process.  Thus, while CBO estimates a total of $17.8 billion in savings over five years if all rules were implemented as currently issued, a permanent prohibition on these seven rules would require $16.5 billion in savings under House PAYGO rules.

[2] Office of Management and Budget, Analytical Perspectives: Budget of the United States Government, Fiscal Year 2009, available online at http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/fy2009/pdf/spec.pdf (accessed April 1, 2008), p. 383.

[3] Government Accountability Office, “Medicaid Financing: States’ Use of Contingency Fee Consultants to Maximize Federal Reimbursements Highlights Need for Increased Federal Oversight,” (Washington, Report GAO-05-748, June 2005) available online at http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d05748.pdf (accessed March 31, 2008), p. 4.

[4] Ibid., p. 19.

[5] Ibid., pp. 27-29.

[6] Ibid., p. 24.

[7] See ibid., p. 30.

[8] Clifford Levy and Michael Luo, “Medicaid Fraud May Reach into Billions,” The New York Times 18 July 2005, available online at http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/18/nyregion/18medicaid.html?_r=1&pagewanted=print&oref=slogin (accessed March 29, 2008).

[9] “Adequacy of Medicaid Payments to Albany County Nursing Home,” (Washington, DC, Department of Health and Human Services Office of the Inspector General Report #A-02-02-01020), available online at http://oig.hhs.gov/oas/reports/region2/20201020.pdf (accessed April 20, 2008), pp. 6-7.

Medicaid and the States

Executive Summary:  The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) has issued several proposed regulations concerning various issues relating to federal reimbursement of certain Medicaid services.  Although the proposed regulations address state financing arrangements that government reports have questioned for decades, the Democratic Congress passed moratoria prohibiting CMS from issuing final regulations.  Many conservatives may be wary of any further legislative efforts to override the proposed regulations—or to provide a temporary increase in the federal Medicaid match in an economic “stimulus” bill—as encouraging states to engage in questionable funding schemes and poor financial planning, resulting in significantly higher outlays for the federal government.

Background:  The Medicaid program, enacted in 1965, serves as a federal-state partnership providing entitlement health care coverage to certain low-income and disabled populations.  Federal funding for the program is provided on a matching basis, according to a Federal Medical Assistance Percentage (FMAP) formula established in statute.

Because of the nature of the federal match, states have for some time created mechanisms designed to maximize the federal share of spending on Medicaid services.  In 1991, Congress passed legislation (P.L. 102-234) designed to restrict Medicaid provider taxes, as states were collecting funds from providers, then rebating those funds back to the providers once the states had utilized the taxes collected to capture additional federal matching funds.  The 1991 provisions were designed to avoid provider-specific taxes, and included “hold harmless” mechanisms guaranteeing that providers would receive all their money back after it was used by the state to recoup additional federal funds; however, broad-based provider taxes remained permissible, and states soon developed other ways to maximize federal Medicaid spending.

Proposed Regulations:  During the past year, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) has attempted to move forward on several proposed regulations addressing specific issues and service areas within the Medicaid program.  Specifically, the various proposed rules would:

  • Limit reimbursement for publicly-owned health providers to costs incurred, narrow the definition of unit of government, and require providers to retain all Medicaid payments, in order to restrain intergovernmental transfers designed primarily to maximize states’ federal Medicaid payments;
  • Eliminate Medicaid reimbursement for graduate medical education;
  • Restrict the scope of rehabilitation services subject to the federal Medicaid match and eliminate coverage of day habilitation services for individuals with developmental disabilities;
  • Prohibit federal Medicaid payments for administrative activities performed by schools and transportation of children to and from school;
  • Restrict the scope of Medicaid outpatient hospital services and clarify the upper payment classification for outpatient services; and
  • Restrict the scope of targeted case management services, and specify that Medicaid will not reimburse states for services where another third party is liable for payment.

The proposed regulations were issued at various times between May and December 2007, and are collectively projected to result in at least $12.1 billion in savings to the federal government over the next five fiscal years.[1]  By point of comparison, these savings would constitute approximately 1% of total federal spending on Medicaid, which over the next five years is estimated to total $1.2 trillion.[2]

In addition, in February 2008, CMS issued proposed regulations altering current regulations on provider taxes; this rule, proposed as a result of legislative changes enacted in the Tax Relief and Health Care Act of 2006 (P.L. 109-432) and the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005 (P.L. 109-173), would reduce the maximum provider tax under the federal “safe harbor” from 6% to 5.5% and make other related changes, saving an estimated $400-600 million over five years.[3]

Recent Legislative Developments:  In response to several of the Medicaid payment rules proposed last year, Congress has taken action to block CMS from issuing final regulations.  Section 7002(a)(1) of the 2007 wartime supplemental appropriations bill (P.L. 110-28) prohibited promulgation of regulations related to cost limits for providers and graduate medical education (GME) for one year—until May 25, 2008.  In addition, Medicare physician payment legislation passed last December (P.L. 110-173) included prohibitions on promulgation of regulations addressing rehabilitation and school-based transportation services until June 30, 2008.

On March 13, 2008, House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman John Dingell (D-MI) and Rep. Tim Murphy (R-PA) introduced H.R. 5613, Protecting the Medicaid Safety Net Act.  The legislation would extend until April 1, 2009, the existing moratoria on CMS’ issuance of the Medicaid regulations discussed above, and would further impose moratoria on issuance of  proposed rules addressing case management, re-defining hospital outpatient services, and allowable provider taxes.  An Energy and Commerce hearing on the legislation is scheduled for April 3, 2007, and further legislative action is possible, either as a stand-alone measure or as part of Medicare physician reimbursement legislation.

In addition, House Energy and Commerce Health Subcommittee Chairman Frank Pallone (D-NJ) has introduced H.R. 5268, which would provide a temporary increase in federal Medicaid matching funds to states under the FMAP formula for five fiscal quarters, through October 2009.  Similar proposals were circulated early this year as part of the debate surrounding the “stimulus” bill; while the National Governors Association and state Medicaid directors expressed strong support for these provisions, they were not included in the final legislation.  However, it is possible but not certain that such measures regarding FMAP could be attached to either the wartime supplemental appropriations legislation or a possible second “stimulus” package being discussed by the Democratic leadership.

GAO Analysis:  Since 1994, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) has compiled more than a dozen reports highlighting problems with Medicaid financing, and specifically the ways in which state governments attempt to “game” Medicaid reimbursement policies in order to maximize the amount of federal revenue funding state health care programs.  The persistent shortcomings in federal oversight of these state funding schemes prompted GAO to add the Medicaid program to its list of federal entities at high risk of mismanagement, waste, and abuse in 2003.

Several of the GAO reports discuss state reimbursement efforts for several of the services CMS proposes to change in its new regulations.  For instance, testimony in June 2005 analyzed the ways in which 34 states—up from 10 in 2002—employed contingency-fee consultants to maximize federal Medicaid payments.  The report found that from 2000-2004, Georgia obtained $1.5 billion in additional reimbursements, and Massachusetts $570 million.[4]  The report concluded that the states’ claims for targeted case management “appear to be inconsistent with current CMS policy” and claims for rehabilitation services “were inconsistent with federal law.”[5]

In other areas, GAO found potentially inappropriate behavior—higher reimbursements for school-based health and administrative services that were not fully passed on to the relevant school districts, and questionable administrative costs, such as a 100% claim on a Massachusetts state official’s salary as a Medicaid administrative cost, even though the official worked on unrelated projects for other states designed to increase their own Medicaid reimbursements.[6]

The GAO reports also demonstrate states’ use of intergovernmental transfers to maximize federal Medicaid reimbursements.  In these schemes, local-government health facilities transfer funds to the state Medicaid agency.  The Medicaid agency in turn transfers funds back to the local-government facility—but not before filing a claim with CMS to obtain federal reimbursement.  Although permissible under current law in many cases, GAO found that these schemes “are inconsistent with Medicaid’s federal-state partnership and fiscal integrity.”[7]

Many of the GAO reports over the past decade—whose titles are listed at the bottom of this brief—have included calls for additional federal oversight around various state Medicaid reimbursement initiatives, particularly the need for clear and consistently applied guidance from CMS about the permissiveness of various financing arrangements.[8]  Several of CMS’ proposed regulations attempt to remedy this problem, and restore clarity and fiscal integrity to the Medicaid program.

Reports of Medicaid Waste and Fraud:  Although much of the debate surrounding the proposed CMS regulations has centered on the proper scope and limits of covered services within the Medicaid program, it is also worth noting the considerable amount of waste and criminal fraud present within some state Medicaid programs.  An extensive investigation published by The New York Times in July 2005 revealed several examples of highly questionable activity within the New York Medicaid program:

  • A Brooklyn dentist who billed Medicaid for performing 991 procedures in a single day;
  • One physician who wrote 12% of all the prescriptions purchased by New York Medicaid for an AIDS-related drug to treat wasting syndrome—allegedly so the steroid could be re-sold on the black market to bodybuilders;
  • Over $300 million—far more than any other state Medicaid program—in spending on transportation services, some of which involved rides for seniors mobile enough to rely on public transportation and other services which investigators believe may not have been performed at all; and
  • A school administrator in Buffalo who in a single day recommended that 4,434 students receive speech therapy funded by Medicaid—part of $1.2 billion in improper spending by the state on speech services, according to a federal audit.

A former state investigator of Medicaid abuse estimated that fraudulent claims totaled approximately 40% of all Medicaid spending in New York—nearly $18 billion per year, which may help explain why New York’s Medicaid expenditures greatly exceed California’s, despite a smaller overall population and fewer Medicaid beneficiaries.[9]

Likewise, reports from the Department of Health and Human Services’ Inspector General reflect Medicaid reimbursement submissions by states that either lack appropriate documentation for the claims or represent inappropriate use of Medicaid resources.  For example, one May 2003 claim for Medicaid targeted case management reimbursement included the following notation from the case manager explaining her contact with the beneficiary:

Phone call with mother.  Discussed the outstanding warrant for [name redacted].  She does not know where he is.  She will call police when he shows up.

While it may represent good public policy for this type of contact—which attempted to locate a juvenile for whom an outstanding arrest warrant existed—some conservatives would argue that such actions lie outside the scope of the Medicaid program’s intent and represent a far-from-ideal expenditure of federal matching dollars.

Conservative Concerns:  Given the many GAO reports highlighting problems with state Medicaid financing schemes, and the disturbing reports of fraud and graft within many Medicaid programs, some conservatives may be troubled by potential legislative action to override CMS’ modest attempts at limiting questionable behavior by state Medicaid agencies.  Likewise, a potential increase in the Medicaid FMAP formula might be viewed by some conservatives as a “bailout” for states which over-extended entitlement promises over the last few years—and which have failed to implement strong anti-fraud programs to ensure that Medicaid funds are spent wisely.  Some conservatives may argue that states wishing to reverse CMS’ proposed rules, or to seek an “emergency” FMAP increase from the federal government, should first ensure that their own fiscal houses are in order with respect to Medicaid waste, fraud, and abuse.

Although many state governors and Medicaid directors have pointed to the recent economic slowdown as putting a particular squeeze on their budgets, a recent study by researchers at the Urban Institute found that revenue loss generates a measurably larger impact on state budgets than enrollment increases in Medicaid and related public health programs.[10]  Because potential state deficits during economic downturns therefore stem largely from failed revenue models rather than greater public reliance on Medicaid and related programs, some conservatives may question whether the tactic of relying upon the federal government for backstop assistance will have the twin negative effects of increasing federal spending and debt while encouraging “moral hazard” among states with flawed budgetary models.

However, the discussion of Medicaid funding levels does provide conservatives with an opportunity to raise the important issue of entitlement reform.  One possible solution would see Medicaid converted into a block grant program, allowing for predictable payments to states, ending state distortionary schemes designed to win additional federal dollars, and enabling Congress to engage in a more rational attempt to control health care costs while setting clear national fiscal priorities.  At a minimum, some conservatives may support efforts to convert those portions of Medicaid not directly related to essential medical services into a discretionary spending program, which would re-focus Medicaid on its original mission of providing health care for low-income individuals, while allowing services tangential to that mission to compete with other federal programs for scarce funding dollars.

 

[1] Kaiser Commission on Medicaid and the Uninsured, “Medicaid: Overview and Impact of New Regulations,” (Washington, DC, Report 7739, January 2008), available online at http://kff.org/medicaid/upload/7739.pdf (accessed March 31, 2008), p. 2.

[2] Office of Management and Budget, Analytical Perspectives: Budget of the United States Government, Fiscal Year 2009, available online at http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/fy2009/pdf/spec.pdf (accessed April 1, 2008), p. 383.

[3] Jean Hearne, “Medicaid Provider Taxes,” CRS Report RS22843, March 21, 2008, pp. 4-6.

[4] Government Accountability Office, “Medicaid Financing: States’ Use of Contingency Fee Consultants to Maximize Federal Reimbursements Highlights Need for Increased Federal Oversight,” (Washington, Report GAO-05-748, June 2005) available online at http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d05748.pdf (accessed March 31, 2008), p. 4.

[5] Ibid., p. 19.

[6] Ibid., pp. 27-29.

[7] Ibid., p. 24.

[8] See ibid., p. 30.

[9] Clifford Levy and Michael Luo, “Medicaid Fraud May Reach into Billions,” The New York Times 18 July 2005, available online at http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/18/nyregion/18medicaid.html?_r=1&pagewanted=print&oref=slogin (accessed March 29, 2008).

[10] John Holahan, Stan Dorn, et al., “Medicaid, SCHIP, and Economic Downturn: Policy Challenges and Policy Responses,” (Washington, DC, Alliance for Health Reform briefing on Health Care and the Economic Slowdown, February 15, 2008), available online at http://www.allhealth.org/briefingmaterials/MedicaidSCHIPeconomicdownturn_2-14-2008-1079.ppt (accessed March 29, 2008).

Weekly Newsletter: February 25, 2008

Mental Health Parity Bill Headed for Floor

With the House scheduled to return from its President’s Day recess today, the period between now and the Easter recess may include action on a mental health bill (H.R. 1424) sponsored by Rep. Patrick Kennedy (D-RI). Among other provisions, the bill would impose a federal mandate that group health insurance plans offered by employers provide insurance coverage for a broad array of mental and substance abuse disorders, impose a federal scope of benefits for mental health coverage, and permit states to enact laws with more stringent consumer protections, potentially creating a patchwork of regulations to which large employers will be forced to comply.

Some conservatives may have strong concerns about both the principle behind the legislation—a costly federal mandate that will raise the health insurance premiums and increase the number of uninsured Americans—as well as the way in which the expansive House language would mandate coverage for “mental disorders” such as caffeine addiction and jet leg. The RSC will be monitoring this legislation as it makes its way to the House floor, and will be weighing in during the process to express conservatives’ concerns.

SCHIP Hearing Scheduled

Tomorrow the Health Subcommittee of the House Energy and Commerce Committee has scheduled a hearing around the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). This hearing will center around the guidance letter the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) issued in August 2007 requiring states to take steps that ensure that SCHIP funds are targeted toward low-income children before states spend money to expand coverage to wealthier populations.

Most conservatives support enrollment and funding of the SCHIP program for the populations for whom the SCHIP program was created. That is why in December the House passed, by a 411—3 vote, legislation reauthorizing and extending the SCHIP program through March 2009. That legislation included an additional $800 million in funding for states to ensure that all currently eligible children will continue to have access to state-based SCHIP coverage. However, many conservatives also express strong reservations about further expansions of government-funded health insurance, particularly when those expansions would displace private insurance coverage held by wealthier families and children.

Interestingly enough, the Subcommittee hearing comes just over a week after full Committee Chairman John Dingell (D-MI) called the President’s Medicare trigger proposal “little more than a scare tactic.” With the size of America’s unfunded obligations rising by $2 trillion every year that Congress takes no action to reform entitlement spending, some conservatives might argue that the better way to help America’s children is to reform Medicare and Medicaid so that future generations will not be saddled with trillions of dollars of debt, not work to expand public programs for wealthier children.

Chairman Hensarling Op-Ed on Medicare Trigger Legislation

Last Friday, RSC Chairman Jeb Hensarling placed an op-ed article in The Washington Times discussing President Bush’s submissions to Congress regarding the state of Medicare—both the package of reimbursement adjustments proposed in the Fiscal Year 2009 budget, and the additional reforms proposed as part of the White House’s response to the “trigger” issued as a result of the Medicare trustees’ funding warning.

Chairman Hensarling’s article reflects the views of many conservatives that the “trigger” represents a critical opportunity to enact fundamental reform of the Medicare program that should ensure the program’s long-term sustainability and reduce its cost growth. In the coming months, RSC members will explore and advocate for market-based approaches intended to alleviate the fiscal crisis that will loom large in the absence of comprehensive entitlement reform.

Read the article here. To learn more about the Medicare trigger, read the RSC policy briefs on this issue.

Article of Note: “Lone Star Showdown”

With the Presidential primary campaign moving to the key states of Texas and Ohio, the Hudson Institute’s Betsy McCaughey examines the way in which the Democratic candidates’ proposals might affect the Lone Star State. Her op-ed piece in the Wall Street Journal posed questions to Sens. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-NY) and Barack Obama (D-IL) that illustrated the logistical and philosophical objections many conservatives find with their health platforms:

  • Would illegal immigrants receive federal subsidies for health insurance?
  • How would a mandate for all individuals to have health insurance—or, in the case of Sen. Obama’s plan, requiring all parents to buy coverage for their children—be enforced?
  • How are guaranteed issue and community rating policies—which prohibit insurance carriers from varying premiums based on age or health status—fair to the younger workers who will pay more to subsidize older and less healthy—but presumably richer—individuals?
  • How are dozens of costly state benefit mandates consistent with “affordable” health insurance coverage?
  • Will promises that individuals will be able to keep coverage they like extend to persons with high-deductible health plans and/or Health Savings Accounts, or will they be forced to convert to more expensive coverage they may not want?
  • Is attempting to regulate the profits of insurance companies a wise role for government to be playing in health care—or in any industry, for that matter?McCaughey’s article uses examples derived from Texas, but the concerns she raises could be cited by conservatives in all states as they weigh the import of the proposals put forward by the Presidential contenders.

Read the article here: The Wall Street Journal: “Health Questions for the Candidates” (subscription required)

Legislative Bulletin: H.R. 3963, Children’s Health Insurnace Program Reauthorization Act

Order of Business:  Today the House will consider the President’s second veto of SCHIP legislation, H.R. 3963.  This bill passed the House by a vote of 265-142 on October 25, 2007, and was vetoed by President Bush on December 12, 2007.  On December 12, 2007, the House by a 211-180 vote postponed consideration of the President’s veto until today.

An earlier version of SCHIP legislation, H.R. 976, was vetoed by President Bush on October 3, 2007.  This bill was originally passed in the House by a vote of 265-159 on September 25, 2007.  On October 18, 2007, the House sustained the President’s veto of H.R. 976 by a vote of 273–156 (needing 2/3 to override a veto).

On December 19, 2007, the House passed by a 411—3 margin S. 2499, which was signed into law by President Bush on December 29, 2007.  This legislation reauthorized the SCHIP program through March 2009, and included $800 million in additional funding to ensure that all states would have sufficient funds to cover existing populations through the 18 months of the authorization.

Summary:  H.R. 3963 reauthorizes and significantly expands the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), while increasing cigarette taxes to supposedly offset the bill’s costs.  The legislation follows closely the recently-vetoed version of SCHIP reauthorization.  Highlights of the revised legislation are as follows:

Cost:  H.R. 3963 provides $35.4 billion over five years and $71.5 billion over ten years in new mandatory spending—this spending is on top of the $25 billion over five years that would result from a straight extension of the program.

The new spending is partially offset by increasing taxes on tobacco products (see below).  However, this CBO score overlooks a major gimmick which the bill employs to lower its costs.  The bill dramatically lowers the SCHIP funding in the fifth year by 84%, from $13.75 billion in the first six months to $1.15 billion.  In all likelihood, such a reduction would not actually take effect, which would make this a gimmick to generate unrealistic savings in order to comply with PAYGO rules.  To that end, H.R. 976 is technically compliant with PAYGO.

Block Grant:  Under current law, a federal block grant is awarded to states, and from the total annual appropriation, every state is allotted a portion for the year according to a statutory formula.  The bill extends the SCHIP block grants from FY 2008-12.  In addition, the bill also creates a new Child Enrollment Contingency Fund capped at 20% of the total annual appropriation, for states that exhaust their allotment by expanding coverage, and Performance Bonus Payments comprised of a $3 million lump sum in FY 2008 plus unspent SCHIP funds in future years.

Expansion to Higher Incomes:  Under current law, states can cover families earning up to 200% of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) or $41,300 for a family of four in 2007 or those at 50% above Medicaid eligibility.  However, states have been able to “disregard” income with regard to eligibility for the program, meaning they can purposefully ignore various types of income in an effort to expand eligibility.  For instance, New Jersey covers up to 350% of FPL by disregarding any income from 200-350%, allowing them to cover beyond 200% with the enhanced federal matching funds that SCHIP provides.

H.R. 3963 increases the eligibility limit to 300% of FPL or $61,950 for a family of four but also continues the current authority for states to define and disregard income.  States which extend coverage beyond 300% of FPL would receive the lower Medicaid match rate.  The bill limits states from expanding their programs above 300% of FPL through an income disregard whereby they block “income that is not determined by type or expense or type of income.”  However, a state could get around this restriction in a host of ways by disregarding specific types of income, such as income paid for rent or transportation or food.  Practically speaking, H.R. 3963 still places no limit on SCHIP eligibility since states can still manipulate the definition of income to expand coverage, and CMS is limited in its ability to reject such determinations. [New Jersey would be grandfathered from this limitation until 2010, but they would then have to ensure that they are in the top ten of states with the highest coverage rate for low-income children.]

Furthermore, Section 116 overturns CMS’ current policy of requiring states to ensure that 95% of the eligible children in their state below 250% of FPL are enrolled before expanding coverage to higher incomes.  As a result, some conservatives may be concerned that this does not adequately ensure that SCHIP funding targets truly low-income children.

Unlike past legislation, the bill would not grandfather New York’s proposed plan (seeking to cover 400% of FPL or $82,600 for a family of four).  However, New York could merely use specific income disregards to effectively cover up to 400% of FPL.  Some conservatives may be concerned that a family with an income of $82,600 will still potentially be eligible for SCHIP funding after this bill is enacted.

Childless Adults:  The earlier bill phased adults off of the program within two years.  H.R. 3963 would remove childless adults from the program (all would be off by 2009), while allowing parents of eligible SCHIP kids to continue receiving healthcare under SCHIP.  According to CBO estimates, there will still be approximately 700,000 (roughly 10% of total SCHIP enrollees) adults (parents of eligible kids and pregnant women) enrolled in SCHIP by 2012.

H.R. 3963 states that no new waivers for non-pregnant childless adults will be granted to states, and any currently existing waivers will be extended through FY 2008 (terminating such waivers at the end of FY 2008).  H.R. 3963 states that any current state waiver for non-pregnant childless adults which expires before January 1, 2009 may be extended until December 31, 2008 to retain all currently covered non-pregnant childless adults on the program until the end of FY 2008.  The bill extends enhanced FMAP to apply to such waivers through December 31, 2008.

H.R. 3963 grants states the opportunity to apply for a Medicaid waiver for non-pregnant childless adults by September 30, 2008, for those whose SCHIP coverage will end December 31, 2008, and requires that the Secretary approve such waivers within 90 days or the application is automatically deemed approved.

Parents:  The bill provides a two year transition period and automatic extension at the state’s discretion through FY 2009 for the currently covered parents of SCHIP eligible/covered kids, and states that no new waivers be granted or renewed to states to cover the parents of SCHIP kids if such waivers do not currently exist.  Similar to what would be done with non-pregnant childless adults, H.R. 3963 states that any current state waiver for parents of SCHIP kids which expires before October 1, 2009 may be extended until September 30, 2009 to retain all currently covered parents on the program until the end of FY 2009.  The bill states that the enhanced FMAP shall apply to these expenditures under an existing waiver for parents of eligible SCHIP kids during FY 2008 and 2009.

H.R. 3963 requires that any state which provides coverage under a currently existing waiver for a parent of an SCHIP child may continue to provide such coverage through FY 2010, 2011, or 2012, but such coverage must be paid for by a block grant funded from the state allotment.  If the state makes the decision to continue the coverage of parents through 2012, the Secretary may set aside for the state for each fiscal year an amount equivalent to the federal share of 110% of the state’s projected expenditures under currently existing waivers.  The Secretary will then pay out such funds quarterly to the state.  States that enhanced FMAP only applies in fiscal year 2010 for states with “significant child outreach or that achieve child coverage benchmarks.”

In addition, H.R. 3963 retains the statement from H.R. 976 that states there shall be no increase in income eligibility level for covered parents (i.e. no expenditures for providing child health assistance or health benefits coverage to a parent of a “targeted low-income child” whose family income exceeds the income eligibility level applied under the applicable existing waiver).

Private Insurance Crowd-Out:  According to CBO, under H.R. 3963, 2 million children will still shift from receiving private health insurance to government health insurance.  This means that they may get worse health care service and become increasingly dependent on the federal government.  In addition, as H.R. 3963 begins to reduce SCHIP funding in 2012 (if such a reduction is actually intended, see above), some have noted that states may shift these children made newly eligible for a government program into Medicaid.  This phenomenon takes place despite a provision in H.R. 3963 to offer a premium assistance subsidy under SCHIP for employer-sponsored coverage.  A qualifying employer-sponsored plan would have to contribute at least 40 percent of the cost of any premium toward coverage.  The bill includes new language requiring the Secretary, in consultation with the states, to measure crowd-out and to develop best practices designed to limit it.  States would then be required to limit SCHIP crowd-out and incorporate those best practices.  However, many conservatives are likely to be concerned that this language is not enough of protection when CBO maintains that two million will lose their health insurance under this bill.

Legal Immigrants and Citizenship Certification:  H.R. 3963 states that “nothing in this Act allows Federal payment for individuals who are not legal residents.”  However, the bill weakens existing law by removing the documentation requests under the Deficit Reduction Act (DRA), specifically the burden that citizens and nationals provide documentation proving their citizenship in order to be covered under Medicaid and SCHIP.  Instead, the bill would require that a name and Social Security number be provided as documentation of legal status to acquire coverage and that those names and Social Security numbers be submitted to the Secretary to be checked for validity.  If a state is notified that a name and Social Security number do not match, the state must contact the individual and request that within 90 days the individual present satisfactory documentation to prove legal status.  During this time, coverage for the individual continues.  If the individual does not provide documentation within 90 days, he is “disenrolled” from the program but maintains coverage for another 30 days (after the 90 days given to come up with proper documentation), giving the individual up to four months of coverage on a false identity.

It is unclear what substantive changes were made to the vetoed bill beyond the cosmetic, with regard to citizenship certification.  Some conservatives may be concerned that a Social Security number and name are not enough for a proof of citizenship and that more documents should be required to determine eligibility.  For instance, according to a recent letter from Social Security Administration Commissioner Michael Astrue, a Social Security number would not keep someone from fraudulently receiving coverage under Medicaid or SCHIP (if they claimed they were someone they were not).  Thus, this bill may allow illegal aliens the opportunity to enroll falsely in Medicaid or SCHIP and retain coverage for an undetermined amount of time before they are disenrolled for lack of proper identification.

Tax Increase:  H.R. 3963 increases the cigarette tax by 61 cents to $1 per pack, and the cigar tax up to $3 per cigar, supposedly generating $35.5 billion over five years and $71.1 billion over ten years.  It is important to note that this is a substantial tax increase on low-income individuals in order to pay for an expansion of SCHIP to higher income levels, which it was not initially designed for.  In addition, this revenue source is constantly declining as fewer and fewer individuals smoke, and since placing a tax on cigarettes will likely deter sales, some have questioned the efficacy of the offset.  According to a study by the Heritage Foundation, “To produce the revenues that Congress needs to fund SCHIP expansion through such a tax would require 22.4 million new smokers by 2017.”  The bill also changes the timing for some corporate estimate tax payments.

Encourages Spending:  H.R. 3963 shortens from three to two years the amount of time a state has to spend its annual SCHIP allotment.  Under current law, states are given three years to spend each year’s original allotment, and at the end of the three-year period, any unused funds are redistributed to states that have exhausted their allotment or created a “shortfall,” i.e. making commitments beyond the funding it has available.  In addition, the bill establishes a process through which any unspent funds would be redistributed to any states with a shortfall.  Some conservatives may be concerned that this process provides incentives both for states to spend their allotment quickly and to extend their programs beyond their regular allotments into shortfall, so as to be relieved by the unspent funds of other states or the new Contingency Fund.

Other Provisions:

  • Disregarding of Pension Contributions as Income.  The bill disregards “extraordinary employer pensions” as income.  According to CMS, only one state would fall into this category—Michigan, due to the auto manufacturers.  Some conservatives may view this as an authorizing earmark.
  •  Name Change.  H.R. 3963 renames the program the “Children’s Health Insurance Program.”
     
  • Medicaid Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) Allotment for TN and HI.  The bill sets the DSH allotments for Tennessee at $30 million a year beginning in FY 2008, and sets the DSH allotment increases for Hawaii, beginning in FY 2009 and thereafter, as the allotments for low DSH states.  Some conservatives may view these provisions as authorizing earmarks.
  • Premium Assistance and Health Savings Accounts.  The bill streamlines procedures for states to provide premium assistance subsidies for children eligible to enroll in employer-sponsored coverage, rather than placing such children in a state-sponsored SCHIP program.  However, all high-deductible health insurance plans and Health Savings Accounts (HSAs) would be ineligible for premium assistance, even if employers and/or states chose to make cash contributions to the HSA up to the full amount of the plan’s high deductible.  Some conservatives may be concerned that these restrictions would undermine the recent growth of HSAs and consumer-driven health care plans.

Does the Bill Expand the Size and Scope of the Federal Government?:  Yes, the bill would expand the SCHIP program by $35 billion over five years and loosen the program’s eligibility requirements.

Does the Bill Contain Any New State-Government, Local-Government, or Private-Sector Mandates?:  A detailed CBO cost estimate with such information is not available.