Top Ten Conservative Concerns with a Medicaid Bailout

  1. States Already Received a Medicaid Bailout. In June 2008, the wartime supplemental blocked the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) from issuing six regulations cracking down on state transactions designed solely to increase the percentage of Medicaid spending paid for by the federal government.  Some may view the $1.6 billion moratoria on these anti-fraud regulations as a bailout in its own right, and question why states are asking for yet more relief from the federal government.
  2. Discourages States from Fighting Fraud. In September, New York State announced a record $90 million settlement from one hospital related to improper and fraudulent billing practices—the third such settlement from the same hospital in a decade.  Providing additional federal matching funds may provide a perverse disincentive for states not to recoup Medicaid dollars by pursuing anti-fraud cases vigorously.
  3. States Not Reforming Their Medicaid Programs. The Kaiser Family Foundation reports that only eight states have taken advantage of language in the Deficit Reduction Act to alter their Medicaid benefit packages or introduce modest cost-sharing.  Given the structural deficiencies in many state programs—fraudulent activity, long waits for specialists, and un-coordinated care—conservatives may view a “blank check” for more state Medicaid spending without new accountability or reforms as a disservice to both the federal taxpayer and the needy beneficiaries which the program is designed to serve.
  4. Rewards States for Improper Budgeting. An Urban Institute study notes that lost revenue creates a significantly larger impact on state budgets than increased costs due to enrollment increases in programs like Medicaid.  Some conservatives may therefore view a Medicaid bailout as rewarding states who failed to project revenues accurately and/or build up adequate “rainy day” reserves.
  5. Provides No Stimulus. Because increasing the federal Medicaid match only substitutes federal spending for state dollars, even Keynesians may find it difficult to justify such a measure as providing economic “stimulus.”
  6. Medicaid Increases Private Insurance Costs. A recent study from actuaries at the consulting firm Milliman found that low reimbursement rates for public programs including Medicare and Medicaid resulted in a 12% increase in private insurance costs, as providers charged private insurers more for their services.  Some may therefore view an increase in Medicaid enrollment financed by this bailout as potentially placing additional strain on the private insurance system due to sizable cost shifting from public to private plans.
  7. Earmark for Michigan Automakers. H.R. 5268 includes language disregarding “extraordinary employer pensions” as income.  According to CMS, only one state would fall into this category—Michigan.  Some conservatives may view this provision as an authorizing earmark.
  8. Flawed FMAP Formula Encourages States to Overspend. While the Federal Medical Assistance Percentage (FMAP) matching formula was originally designed to provide greater assistance to poorer states, an independent analysis of CMS data indicates that states with higher concentrations of poverty actually have lower per-capita Medicaid spending—exactly the opposite result of FMAP’s intended goal.  Some conservatives may therefore be concerned that an additional FMAP bailout will do nothing to reverse this disparity, and may exacerbate it.
  9. Medicaid Spending Only Continues to Grow. An American Enterprise Institute study found that during the 1994-2000 boom years, Medicaid spending grew faster than both GDP and state revenues.  Some conservatives may therefore question whether states were irresponsible in expanding their Medicaid programs during flush economic times, and whether the federal government should reward such behavior.
  10. Exacerbates Entitlement Shortfalls. At a time when unfunded obligations for Medicare and Social Security exceed $53 trillion, some conservatives may be concerned by the impact of increasing Medicaid spending—and the federal deficit—on our ability to respond to this crisis with reforms to slow the growth of health care costs.

Legislative Bulletin: H.R. 7174, James Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Act

Order of Business:  Reports indicate the bill is expected to be considered on Sunday, September 28, under floor procedures that have yet to be determined.

Summary:  H.R. 7174 would amend the Public Health Service Act to establish new federal entitlement programs for 9/11 workers related to health monitoring and treatments, and expand eligibility for the 9/11 victim compensation fund.  Specific details of the legislation include the following:

World Trade Center Health Program:  The bill would establish within the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) a new program to provide medical monitoring, screening, and treatment to workers (including federal employees) who responded to the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center (WTC), and residents of New York City “who were directly impacted and adversely affected by such attacks.”  The program is intended to provide:

  • Medical monitoring for those exposed to airborne toxins or other hazards;
  • Screening for community members;
  • Treatment for “all medically necessary health and mental health care expenses (including necessary prescription drugs;)”
  • Outreach to potentially eligible individuals to inform them of benefits available;
  • Uniform data collection and monitoring; and
  • Research on health conditions arising from the World Trade Center attacks.

Specific details of the program include:

Payments:  H.R. 7174 provides that all health benefits provided under the program will be provided “without any deductibles, co-payments, or other cost-sharing.”  In cases where a worker is eligible for workman’s compensation, or holds other public or private health insurance coverage, the bill provides that the federal government’s WTC program shall serve as a secondary payer for such claims, similar to the Medicare Secondary Payer program for Medicare beneficiaries with end-stage renal disease.  The bill provides for the creation of quality control and anti-fraud elements within the new program, and incorporates existing anti-fraud penalties to the WTC program.

Advisory and Steering Committees:  The bill creates a scientific and technical advisory committee to provide expertise on eligibility criteria and WTC-related health conditions, and two steering committees—one for WTC responders, the other for community members—to co-ordinate the screening and treatment of eligible members.

Outreach:  The bill includes language requiring the Program Administrator—either the NIOSH Director or his designee—to establish a website, create partnerships with local agencies, and take other measures necessary to inform potentially eligible beneficiaries of the existence of the WTC program.

Centers of Excellence:  The bill directs the Administrator to enter into contracts with “Clinical Centers of Excellence” with respect to monitoring, treating, and counseling individuals related to WTC-related health conditions, and separate contracts with “Co-Ordinating Centers of Excellence” with respect to analyzing and reporting on relevant data and medical protocols.  The bill names the Clinical Centers of Excellence:

  • New York City Fire Department;
  • Mount Sinai co-ordinated consortium;
  • Queens College;
  • State University of New York at Stony Brook;
  • University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey;
  • Bellevue Hospital; and
  • Other hospitals identified by the Administrator.

The bill designates the New York Fire Department, the Mount Sinai co-ordinated consortium, and Bellevue Hospital as Co-ordinating Centers of Excellence.

H.R. 7174 would reimburse Clinical Centers of Excellence $600 annually per eligible participant in the treatment program, and an additional $300 annually per eligible participant in the monitoring program—amounts subject to an inflation index reflecting increases in medical costs in future years.  The bill provides that the payments will be made “regardless of the volume or cost of services required.”  The bill permits the Administrator to authorize payment levels for Co-ordinating Centers of Excellence, and requires a review and GAO study on payment levels within five years.

Eligibility for Responders Entitlement:  H.R. 7174 includes several categories of 9/11-related responders eligible for the new federal health care entitlement.  The bill would expand eligibility for the new entitlement to persons who “performed rescue, recovery, demolition, debris cleanup, or other related services in the New York City disaster area” and meet certain criteria with respect to airborne toxins.  H.R. 7174 also specifies categories of currently eligible individuals in line to receive the new health care entitlement, including:

  • New York City Fire Department employees who “participated at least one day in the rescue and recovery effort at any of the former World Trade sites (including Ground Zero, Staten Island landfill, and the New York City Chief Medical Examiner’s office” at any point between September 11, 2001 and July 31, 2002;
  • Surviving immediate family members of New York City firefighters killed on September 11 at the World Trade Center who received mental health treatment related to their loss—but such individuals are only subject to the new entitlement with respect to mental health treatments;
  • Participants in the WTC cleanup efforts in Lower Manhattan, the Staten Island landfill, or the barge loading piers who worked:
    • At least 4 hours between September 11 and September 14, 2001;
    • At least 24 hours between September 11 and September 30, 2001; or
    • At least 80 hours between September 11, 2001, and July 31, 2002;
  • Workers in the New York City Medical Examiner’s office;
  • Workers in the Port Authority Trans-Hudson Corporation tunnel who worked at least 24 hours between February 1, 2002, and July 1, 2002; and
  • Vehicle maintenance workers exposed to debris “while maintaining vehicles contaminated by airborne toxins” related to the WTC attacks during the time periods outlined above.

The bill includes provisions for an application process lasting no more than 60 days, and an appeal to an administrative law judge in cases where applications are initially denied.

The bill limits the number of beneficiaries to a maximum of 15,000 who at any time qualify for the program, but exempts from the numerical cap those beneficiaries receiving treatment for an identified WTC-related condition at the time of the bill’s enactment.

H.R. 7174 also includes language providing that, in the event that the program’s expenditures are less than 90% of Congressional Budget Office projections as of December 1, 2011, and January 1, 2015, the Administrator may increase the number of eligible participants to meet the CBO expenditure estimates.

Conditions Eligible for Treatment:  The bill defines a WTC-related health condition as “an illness or health condition for which exposure to airborne toxins, any other hazard, or any other adverse condition resulting from the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center…is substantially likely to be a significant factor in aggravating, contributing to, or causing the illness or health condition,” or a mental health condition “substantially likely to be a significant factor in aggravating, contributing to, or causing the condition.”  The bill includes a list of aerodigestive (i.e. asthma and other pulmonary conditions), musculoskeletal, and mental health diseases (including post-traumatic stress disorder) that qualify for treatment.

H.R. 7174 also includes an application process to add additional illnesses subject to review by the Administrator and the Advisory Committees, and permits physicians at Clinical Centers of Excellence to receive federal payments for treatments for WTC-related diseases not yet identified as such under the provisions above, subject to a subsequent determination by the Administrator as to whether or not the condition will be added to the eligible list of diseases.

Standards for Treatment:  The bill limits treatments paid for by the federal government to medically necessary standards, including those that are “not primarily for the convenience of the patient or physician…and not more costly than an alternative service or sequence of services at least as likely to produce equivalent therapeutic or diagnostic results.”

The bill provides for review by “a federal employee designated by the WTC Program Administrator” with respect to determinations of WTC-related health conditions, and includes provisions requiring an appeals process before an administrative law judge with respect to the Administrator’s certification of individuals’ claims for treatment, and a separate appeals process before a physician panel with respect to medical necessity determinations.

Payment Levels:  H.R. 7174 provides that payments to physicians and other medical providers shall generally be based upon reimbursement levels under the Federal Employees Compensation Act (FECA), which governs federal workman’s compensation claims.  The bill also includes language establishing a competitive bidding process among vendors to govern pharmaceutical purchases by eligible beneficiaries, and permits the Administrator to designate reimbursement rates for other services not referenced in the bill language.  The bill requires New York City and its public hospitals to contribute a 10% match in order to be eligible to receive payment for treatment services rendered.

Eligibility for Community Entitlement:  H.R. 7174 creates a separate entitlement for various segments of the community affected by the World Trade Center attacks.  Eligible groups of individuals include:

  • “A person who was present in the New York City disaster area in the dust or dust cloud on September 11, 2001;”
  • Individuals who “worked, resided, or attended school, child care, or adult day care in the New York City disaster area” for at least four days between September 11, 2001 and January 10, 2002—or at least 30 days between September 11, 2001 and July 31, 2002;
  • “Any person who worked as a clean-up worker or performed maintenance work in the New York City disaster area” between September 11, 2001 and January 10, 2002 “and had extensive exposure to WTC dust as a result of such work;”
  • Individuals residing or having a place of employment in the New York City disaster area between September 11, 2001 and May 31, 2003, and deemed eligible to receive grants from the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation; and
  • Any individuals receiving treatment at the World Trade Center Environmental Health Center as of the date of the bill’s enactment.

The bill includes an application and certification process for community beneficiaries similar to that for responder beneficiaries discussed above.  The bill limits the number of beneficiaries to a maximum of 15,000 who at any time qualify for the program, but exempts from the numerical cap those beneficiaries receiving treatment for an identified WTC-related condition at the time of the bill’s enactment.  As a result, CBO estimates that, between the community entitlement and the responder entitlement discussed above, about 80,000 people would receive these new WTC-related entitlements to obtain benefits for respiratory and mental health treatments, increasing mandatory spending by $4.6 billion over ten years.

Beneficiaries under the community-based entitlement would generally receive the same benefits and treatments as the WTC responders, except that the community-based entitlement does not include musculoskeletal disorders in the list of identified health conditions (although some or all of these could be added under the process described above).

Treatment for Other Individuals:  H.R. 7174 establishes an additional capped entitlement fund to finance care for “WTC community members”—i.e. those living in the New York disaster area at the time of the September 11 attacks, but not meeting the criteria listed above—diagnosed with an identified WTC-related health condition.  The bill caps such entitlement spending at $20 million in Fiscal Year 2009, rising annually according to medical inflation rates.

Care Outside New York:  The bill would require the Administrator to “establish a nationwide network of health care providers” to treat eligible recipients outside the New York City metropolitan area, subject to certain reporting and quality requirements.

Research:  The bill would require the WTC Administrator to establish an epidemiological research program on health conditions arising from the World Trade Center attacks.  The program would cover diagnosis and treatment of WTC-related health conditions among responders and in sample populations from Lower Manhattan and Brooklyn, “to identify potential for long-term adverse health effects in less exposed populations.”  H.R. 7174 authorizes $15 million annually for such research.  In addition, the bill authorizes $7 million annually for New York City to maintain a WTC Health Registry, as well as $8.5 million for grants to the New York Department of Mental Health and Mental Hygiene for WTC-related mental health treatment.

Changes to September 11 Compensation Fund:  In addition to establishing the new NIOSH program, H.R. 7174 would also make several changes to the September 11 victim compensation fund established in 2001 (Title IV of P.L. 107-42), as listed below.

Extension for Applications:  H.R. 7174 would reopen applications to the September 11 compensation fund in cases where the Special Master for the compensation fund determines that the individual became aware of physical injuries suffered as a result of the September 11 attacks after applications to the compensation fund were closed.  The bill would generally reopen applications for the reasons stated above (and for individuals subject to the expanded eligibility provisions noted below) for two years after the individual became aware of such injuries, provided the individual seeks treatment in a prompt manner and the claim can be verified.  Additional claims applications under this extension would be accepted through December 22, 2031.

Expansion of Eligibility Definitions:  The bill would modify the definition of eligibility for compensation to define the “immediate aftermath” of the September 11 attacks as including time through August 30, 2002.  The bill would also expand eligibility to include workers handling debris from the World Trade Center, including “any area contiguous to a site of [the 9/11] crashes that the Special Master determines was sufficiently close to the site that there was a demonstrable risk of physical harm” and “any area related to, or along, routes of debris removal,” including (but not limited to) the Fresh Kills landfill in Staten Island.  The Congressional Budget Office notes that the provisions in the bill “would significantly increase the number of individuals who could seek compensation from the fund,” resulting in an estimated 18,000 additional individuals receiving federal compensation benefits averaging $350,000 each—increasing mandatory spending by nearly $6.4 billion over ten years.  According to Justice Department statistics, this figure would represent a nearly seven-fold increase from the 2,852 personal injury claims originally filed during the 2001-03 period. (See “Additional Background” below.)

Applicability to Pending Lawsuits:  H.R. 7174 would require debris workers or other individuals with pending legal claims relating to 9/11-related injuries, and wishing to seek compensation from the victim compensation fund, to withdraw those legal actions within 90 days after updated regulations regarding the fund application extension are promulgated.  The bill would permit individuals whose applications are denied by the Special Master subsequently to reinstitute their legal claims without prejudice within 90 days of the ineligibility determination—a right not granted to fund applications during the original 2001-03 application period.

Limited Liability:  H.R. 7174 limits the liability for construction and related contractors regarding workers’ claims to the sum of the funds available in the WTC Captive Insurance Company, an amount not exceeding $350 million from New York City, and the amount of all available insurance held by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey and the relevant contractors and sub-contractors.  According to the Republican staff of the Judiciary Committee, this amount would total approximately $2 billion in funds available to pay legal claims.

Tax Increases:  H.R. 7174 includes several tax provisions designed to pay for the entitlement created in the bill, including

Economic Substance Doctrine:  The bill codifies the “economic substance doctrine” used in certain court decisions, which prohibits businesses from making certain free-market business decisions (and from taking the related tax benefits) based solely on tax-lowering motives.  The bill would also impose a 20% penalty on understatements attributable to a transaction lacking economic substance (40% in cases where certain facts are not disclosed).  In other words, under this provision, companies could be assessed tax penalties for engaging in business transactions aimed primarily at lowering their tax bills beginning on the date of this bill’s enactment.

Increased Taxes on Domestic Subsidiaries of Multinational Corporations:  H.R. 7174 denies certain U.S. subsidiaries of multinational companies the benefits of tax treaties in certain circumstances.  When a U.S. subsidiary of a foreign-owned company makes certain tax-deductible payments (like interest, rents, and royalties) to a related party located in another country, the U.S. imposes a tax on those payments.  The default rate is 30%, but this rate can be reduced, sometimes down to 0%, by tax treaties.  The U.S. has 58 tax treaties with 66 different countries.  This bill would deny the U.S. subsidiary the benefits of the negotiated treaty rate when those tax-deductible payments are made by the subsidiary to a related foreign company, if the ultimate parent of the multinational company is based in a country that does not have a tax treaty with the U.S.

Corporate Estimated Tax Timing Gimmick.  This provision would increase the estimated tax payments that certain corporations must remit to the federal government.  Under current law, corporations with assets of at least $1 billion must make equally divided estimated tax payments for each quarter.  This legislation would increase the payment due for the third quarter of calendar-year 2013 by 5 percentage points.  (If each regular quarterly payment is 100% of what is owed, this additional payment would be 105% of what would otherwise be owed.)  The payment due for the fourth quarter of calendar-year 2013 (i.e. the 1st quarter of fiscal-year 2014) would be reduced accordingly so that the corporations pay no net increase in estimated payments in calendar-year 2013.  This provision is merely a revenue timing shift, a gimmick used to comply with the House’s PAYGO rules, yet would have real-world implications, as it forces certain companies to pay more of their tax payments earlier.  Given the time value of money, there’s little doubt that requiring bigger, earlier payments would harm the bottom lines of qualified corporations.

Additional Background on 9/11 Compensation Fund:  As noted above, Title IV of Public Law 107-42 authorized payments by the federal government to individuals injured or killed as a result of the September 11 attacks; eligible individuals (victims injured and families of individuals killed in the attacks) received $7 billion in payments before the fund closed in 2004.  Justice Department statistics note that during its operation, the fund issued award letters to 5,562 families whose relatives were killed in the September 11 attacks, and to 2,682 claimants suffering personal injuries as a result of the attacks.

While the process created under the law, and administered by Special Master Kenneth Feinberg, was praised by many victims’ families, Members of Congress, and outside experts as fair and judicious, proponents of H.R. 7174 assert that first responders who worked at the World Trade Center site have incurred respiratory and other injuries as a result of the toxins inhaled at Ground Zero—but that these conditions only became manifest after the application period provided for in P.L. 107-42 expired.  Title II of H.R. 7174 would therefore seek to reopen the compensation fund to allow these workers, and other individuals, to make claims for compensation.

However, asked by Judiciary Committee Republican staff to comment on a proposed draft of Title II, former Special Master Feinberg responded with an e-mail noting several concerns with the approach taken by the bill sponsors and the majority.  These concerns included:

  • An extension of the eligibility definition of “immediate aftermath” from the first four days following September 11 (as prescribed in regulations creating the compensation fund) to August 30, 2002— which could result in “a huge influx of additional claims” and could cause some individuals to re-apply for compensation;
  • Language that “vastly extends [the fund’s] geographic scope,” potentially leading to “thousands and thousands of additional claimants” and causing additional individuals to re-apply for compensation;
  • An extension of the filing period until 2031—“no latent claims need such an extended date;”
  • Provisions requiring the Special Master to determine when an individual first knew or should have known about their injuries—“how can the Special Master possibly make that determination?” and
  • Language permitting individuals denied eligibility for compensation to return to the tort system and re-file their claims—a right which was specifically denied as a pre-condition for initial applicants of the 9/11 fund, but which some who were denied compensation by the Special Master may now attempt to exercise.

Republican Committee staff notes that, to the extent the 9/11 compensation fund is re-opened at all, Mr. Feinberg recommends that it be done solely to allow first responders with diseases not manifest at the time of the initial application period to receive compensation—language that would be much narrower in scope than the provisions discussed above.  Particularly given that payments made pursuant to the 9/11 compensation fund constitute mandatory spending, conservatives may agree with the former Special Master that any potential changes considered by Congress should be narrow in scope and designed to ensure that first responders receive reasonable compensation in a manner that uses federal taxpayer dollars prudently.

Committee Action:  H.R. 7174 was introduced on July 24, 2008 and referred to the Committees on Energy and Commerce, Judiciary, and the Budget, none of which took official action.

Possible Conservative Concerns:  Several aspects of H.R. 7174 may raise concerns for conservatives, including, but not necessarily limited to, the following:

  • Tax Increase.  In order to pay for the more than $10 billion cost of this new federal entitlement, H.R. 7174 would codify the economic substance doctrine, under which companies could be assessed tax penalties for engaging in legitimate business transactions aimed primarily at lowering their tax bills.  Some conservatives may therefore be concerned that this provision, and other tax hikes in H.R. 7174, would increase taxes on Americans in order to pay for new federal entitlement spending.
  • Creates Multiple New Federal Entitlements.  H.R. 7174 would establish several new federal entitlement programs to provide health benefits to 80,000 people according to the Congressional Budget Office, and re-open the 9/11 compensation fund to an additional 18,000 personal injury claims.  Some conservatives may be concerned that, with Congress contemplating a $700 billion bailout of the financial sector, now is not an appropriate time to be creating new mandatory spending programs.
  • Mandatory Spending Earmarks to New York Hospitals.  The bill establishes “Centers of Excellence” related to treatment of WTC-related conditions, and provides for payment of up to $900 annually per eligible beneficiary to certain named New York City hospitals and institutions as Clinical Centers of Excellence, “regardless of the volume or cost of services required.”  Some conservatives may be concerned first that this language constitutes a legislative earmark for mandatory spending, and second that the hospitals named could receive federal payments under this earmark without performing a single service for WTC victims.
  • No Restrictions on Trial Lawyers.  While H.R. 7174 does cap liability for legal claims arising from the September 11 cleanup at the sum of all available insurance funds, the bill does not include language placing restraints on attorney contingency fees or other legal expenses.  The bill also permits individuals who file personal injury claims with the 9/11 fund under the new criteria, yet have their applications denied, to reinstate their lawsuits without prejudice.  Some conservatives may be concerned that these provisions may lead to additional lawsuits and funds flowing to trial lawyers as opposed to 9/11 victims awarded compensation.
  • Overly Broad Eligibility Standards.  H.R. 7174 includes expansive definitions of eligibility for the entitlements under the bill, including individuals who worked or volunteered in the New York City Medical Examiner’s Office for as little as one day, or who were present along “routes of debris removal.”  Some conservatives may echo the concerns of former Special Master Kenneth Feinberg, who expressed unease at the implications of re-opening the 9/11 compensation fund to create what CBO estimates would be a nearly seven-fold increase in the number of personal injury awards when compared to the original 2001-03 application period.
  • Overly Generous Health Benefits.  H.R. 7174 explicitly states that all health care provided shall not include any form of cost-sharing for beneficiaries, and reimburses providers at rates established by the Federal Employee Compensation Act—which according to Administration sources pays providers at much higher rates than Medicare.  These provisions, coupled with the additional earmarked per capita payments to hospitals discussed above, may cause some conservatives concern that the bill lacks any meaningful cost-containment mechanisms for this new federal entitlement, which could encourage providers and patients alike to spend taxpayer money extravagantly.
  • Process.  This 120-page bill creating a new federal entitlement includes matter under the jurisdiction of at least four congressional committees—none of which has marked up the legislation.  Some conservatives may be concerned that these new federal entitlement programs deserve proper consideration under regular order—not a rushed proceeding as the House prepares to conclude its work for the year.

Administration Position:  A Statement of Administration Policy (SAP) on H.R. 7174 was not available at press time; however, reports indicate the White House has numerous concerns with the bill.

Cost to Taxpayers:  According to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), H.R. 7174 would increase mandatory spending by just under $11 billion over ten years.  Title I provides a new entitlement to health benefits, and CBO estimates that about 80,000 people would receive this new WTC-related entitlement to obtain benefits for respiratory and mental health treatments.  CBO estimates that this entitlement would increase mandatory spending by $1.8 billion over five years, and $4.6 billion over ten years, net of a 10% payment by the City of New York and other recoupment from beneficiaries’ health insurance, workers compensation benefits, or other forms of third party payment.

Title II of H.R. 7174 would re-open and expand eligibility for the September 11 compensation fund, which paid out $7 billion in claims to victims before closing in 2004.  CBO notes that the provisions in the bill “would significantly increase the number of individuals who could seek compensation from the fund,” resulting in an estimated 18,000 additional individuals receiving federal compensation benefits averaging $350,000 each—13,000 emergency workers and 5,000 area residents.  CBO estimates this provision would cost $5.5 billion over five years, and nearly $6.4 billion over ten.

The bill’s new mandatory spending is paid for by tax increases—including the codification of the economic substance doctrine—as well as a timing shift budgetary gimmick with respect to estimated corporate tax payments, as explained above.

The bill also includes authorizations for discretionary spending, totaling $30.5 million annually “for each fiscal year.”

Does the Bill Expand the Size and Scope of the Federal Government?:  Yes, the bill would create two new health entitlement programs for 9/11 workers and community members, and expand eligibility for—and re-open applications to—the September 11 compensation fund, further increasing mandatory spending.

Does the Bill Contain Any New State-Government, Local-Government, or Private-Sector Mandates?:  No.

Does the Bill Comply with House Rules Regarding Earmarks/Limited Tax Benefits/Limited Tariff Benefits?:  A committee report citing compliance with clause 9 of rule XXI was unavailable.

Constitutional Authority:  A committee report citing Constitutional authority was unavailable.

Weekly Newsletter: July 21, 2008

Resolution Would Block SCHIP Funds from Being Targeted to Poor Children

Last week, a group of Senators introduced a Resolution of Disapproval (S. J. Res. 44) designed to nullify guidance put forward by the Administration regarding state efforts to expand government-funded health insurance coverage to higher-income children. The guidance, issued last August and revised this May, provides a list of steps states must take in order to expand coverage to children in families making over 250% of the federal poverty level (approximately $50,000 for a family of four), and to ensure that states do not encourage families to drop private insurance coverage in order to obtain coverage through a government program.

Many conservatives may be surprised and disappointed by this resolution, which if successful would effectively give states a disincentive to reach out and enroll poorer-income children if children from wealthier families can be more easily found and enrolled in government-funded coverage. Particularly as the Administration has issued clarifying guidance noting that no child need be dropped off the SCHIP rolls while states implement this new policy, some conservatives may question why Democrats would prefer to extend government-funded health insurance to families making $80,000 or more, while neglecting to ensure that poorer children receive first preference for SCHIP enrollment.

An RSC Policy Brief on the Administration’s SCHIP Guidance can be found here.

Medicaid Bailout for States Receives Committee Hearing

This week the House Energy and Commerce Committee will hold a Subcommittee hearing on legislation (H.R. 5268) designed to provide a temporary increase in the Medicaid matching rate provided to states. News reports suggest that the Democrat leadership may attempt to attach similar provisions to a second “stimulus” package being considered by the Congressional majority.

Some conservatives may be concerned that this legislation—which was proposed, and rejected, during negotiations over the first “stimulus” bill passed in January—would not provide any “stimulus” at all, instead substituting federal Medicaid spending for state dollars, at a significant cost to the federal budget deficit. Given an Urban Institute study suggesting that lost revenue—and not increases in Medicaid enrollment—generates a measurably larger impact on state budgets during economic downturns, some conservatives may view H.R. 5268 as providing a bailout to states, which did not engage in proper budgetary planning, that will only encourage “moral hazard” among states with flawed revenue projection models.

The legislation being considered also includes provisions designed to disregard “extraordinary pension contributions” for purposes of calculating each state’s Medicaid match rate. Because the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services has noted that Michigan—home to full Committee Chairman John Dingell—is the only state that would benefit from such a change, some conservatives may consider this provision an authorizing earmark and object to its inclusion.

An RSC Policy Brief on Medicaid matching formulae can be found here.

Documents of Note: Democrats Defend Entitlement Spending on the Wealthy

Last Wednesday, RSC Chairman Hensarling submitted an op-ed to the Washington Times discussing Medicare legislation recently enacted over the President’s veto. The article noted that the Democrat-constructed bill pits groups of low-income seniors against each other—by adding subsidies for some, while taking away access to Medicare Advantage for millions—all the while doing nothing to make billionaires like Warren Buffett and George Soros pay $2 per day more for prescription drug coverage.

Read the op-ed here.

And as Congress once again may consider SCHIP-related legislation, some conservatives may find the colloquy between Rep. Mike Burgess (R-TX) and House Energy and Commerce Chairman Dingell from last October enlightening. In it, Chairman Dingell admitted that states can choose to disregard tens of thousands of dollars of income from families applying for SCHIP—thus making families with six-figure incomes potentially subject to government-funded health insurance for “poor” children.

Weekly Newsletter: April 7, 2008

Democrats Plot Restrictions on Health Savings Accounts

Reports surfaced this week that the Democratic majority may be attempting to enact new restrictions on Health Savings Accounts (HSAs) as part of upcoming health legislation. The proposal being discussed would require that all HSA account holders submit information showing what portion of their HSA expenditures in a given year have been independently verified as constituting qualified medical expenses.

Available data suggest that the percentage of HSA funds being used for non-medical expenses is comparatively low—particularly upon close examination. For instance, purchases in a grocery store may at first blush appear irrelevant to HSA use—but in reality many of these transactions could involve permissible medical items (over-the-counter pharmaceuticals, prescriptions, medical supplies, etc.). And in those instances when individuals do use their HSA funds to make major non-health expenditures, the Internal Revenue Service has audit procedures in place to ensure that account-holders pay income taxes on non-qualified distributions—plus a 10% penalty to discourage such behavior.

When drafting the regulations implementing Health Savings Accounts in 2004, the Treasury Department attempted to create a framework that would ensure that HSA funds would be used for bona fide medical expenses, while avoiding burdensome regulations that would inhibit the growth of this innovative consumer-driven health product. The proposal under discussion places an additional burden on account holders to document their purchases—even the $3 bottle of cough syrup an individual might choose to buy at a grocery store like Safeway rather than at a CVS or other pharmacy—and may have a similarly chilling effect on insurance carriers and banks currently offering account-based products to individuals and employers.

Some conservatives may be concerned that this proposal represents the first of many impending attempts by the Democrat majority to enact burdensome and bureaucratic regulations undermining HSAs, which in a few short years have proven successful at slowing the growth of health costs and insurance premiums for millions of individuals and small businesses. Some conservatives may also be concerned that this particular provision, brought to the attention of the Democratic Ways and Means Committee staff by a former Republican staffer-turned-lobbyist, may constitute a legislative “earmark” drafted specifically to benefit one company (Evolution Benefits) seeking to market its substantiation technology to HSA administrators.

The attached policy brief explains the issue in further detail. The RSC will continue to monitor this or any similar attempts to enact burdensome restrictions on HSAs, and will weigh in to protect the important consumer-driven health programs which Republicans have succeeded in establishing in recent years.

House Committee Attempts to Override Medicaid Regulations Restoring Fiscal Integrity…

This past Thursday, the House Energy and Commerce Committee held a Subcommittee hearing on legislation (H.R. 5613) that would impose moratoria on several proposed regulations issued by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) to restore fiscal integrity to the Medicaid program. The regulations come as a response to more than a dozen Government Accountability Office (GAO) reports released since 1994 highlighting the various ways states have attempted to “game” the Medicaid program, reducing their share of program spending through various mechanisms designed primarily to increase the amount of federal matching funds received. The Energy and Commerce Committee may mark up legislation overriding the regulations as soon as this week.

While several state officials testified about the impact that the proposed regulations would have on their Medicaid programs in the current economic downturn, many conservatives may be concerned about the ways in which various questionable financing schemes—some of which have been used by states for more than a decade—have left Medicaid paying for non-health-related activities, such as trips to grocery stores and bingo games. With the proposed regulations reducing the federal share of Medicaid spending by only 1% over the next five years, some conservatives may have concerns should Congress attempt to override CMS’ modest attempts to restore fiscal integrity to Medicaid. However, some conservatives may embrace the opportunity presented by this discussion to advance concepts for more comprehensive reform of Medicaid program financing, to control health care costs and set clear fiscal priorities for the use of scarce federal dollars.

RSC Policy Briefs on the federal-state Medicaid relationship can be found here and here.

…While Marking Up New Regulations on Tobacco

Thursday’s hearing in the Health Subcommittee followed Wednesday’s full Energy and Commerce Committee markup of legislation (H.R. 1108) that would impose authority on the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to regulate tobacco. While the bill as modified in Committee altered proposed “user fee” language, some conservatives may remain concerned that the bill would impose additional free speech and marketing restrictions on tobacco companies, and could increase black market activity of tobacco products. Some conservatives may also echo the statements of FDA Commissioner Andrew von Eschenbach, who has stated that tobacco regulation is not in line with FDA’s core mission—and question why Congressional Democrats who have criticized the FDA’s handling of various matters related to food and drug safety now consider the agency competent to regulate tobacco products.

The RSC will be monitoring this legislation as it makes its way to the House floor, and will be weighing in during the process to express conservatives’ concerns.

Interview of Note: “Crisis? What Crisis?”

This past week, Chairman of the House Ways and Means Health Subcommittee Pete Stark (D-CA) appeared on C-SPAN’s Washington Journal to discuss the Medicare trustees’ report released during the congressional recess. When asked about the impact of the trustees’ projection that the Medicare Hospital Insurance Trust Fund would become insolvent in 2019—just over one decade from now—Stark answered: “I don’t think it makes any difference what they say.” This followed on the heels of his statement at Tuesday’s Health Subcommittee hearing that “Medicare is not in crisis.”

Many conservatives may be concerned by Chairman Stark’s insouciance at a time when the federal government faces spiraling costs for Medicaid, Medicare, and Social Security that both the Medicare trustees and most independent observers agree are unsustainable. Many conservatives believe that the time has long since arrived for the federal government to place its own fiscal house in order, because, as countless homeowners have observed in recent months, further delay will do nothing to prevent the problem—and will only make the ultimate solution harder on all parties.

Question and Answer: SCHIP Legislation

The House will soon be faced with a vote to override the President’s veto on H.R. 3963, the Children’s Health Insurance Program Reauthorization Act of 2007, legislation which would reauthorize and expand the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), with several tax increases designed to partially offset the bill’s costs.

Does H.R. 3963 increase the scope of the SCHIP program?

Yes.  Under current law, states can cover families earning up to 200% of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) or $41,300 for a family of four in 2007 or those at 50% above Medicaid eligibility.  As of 2010, H.R. 3963 increases the eligibility limit to 300% of FPL or $61,950 for a family of four while continuing the current authority for states to define and disregard (i.e. ignore) income.  As a result, H.R. 3963 places no practical limit on SCHIP eligibility since states can always manipulate the definition of income to expand coverage.  In addition, Section 116(g) of the bill overturns CMS’s current policy of requiring states to ensure that 95% of the eligible children in their state below 250% of FPL are enrolled before expanding coverage to higher incomes.

Does H.R. 3963’s increased spending violate the spirit of PAYGO?

Yes.  H.R. 3963 provides $35.4 billion over five years and $71.5 billion over ten years in new mandatory spending.  This new spending is only partially offset by tax increases on cigarettes of 61 cents to $1 per pack, and a cigar tax up to $3 per cigar, supposedly (see below) generating $35.5 billion over five years and $71.7 billion over ten years.  However, this CBO score overlooks a major gimmick which the bill employs to lower its costs.  The bill dramatically lowers the SCHIP funding in the fifth year by 80%, from $13.75 billion in the first six months to $1.75 billion.  In all likelihood, such a reduction will never take effect, which would make this an effort to generate unrealistic savings in order to artificially comply with PAYGO rules.

Does H.R. 3963 raise taxes?

Yes.  H.R. 3963 increases the cigarette tax by 61 cents to $1 per pack, and the cigar tax up to $3 per cigar.  Some conservatives may be concerned that the bill increases taxes on low-income individuals in order to pay for the expansion of SCHIP, which is designed to assist low-income families.  In addition, this revenue source is constantly declining as fewer and fewer individuals begin to smoke, since placing a tax on cigarettes will likely deter sales, leading some to question the efficacy of the offset.  According a study by the Heritage Foundation, “To produce the revenues that Congress needs to fund SCHIP expansion through such a tax would require 22.4 million new smokers by 2017.”

Will H.R. 3963 decrease private insurance participation in the market?

Yes.  Expanding SCHIP will generate a substantial shift away from the private health insurance market, by encouraging more and more children to obtain health care coverage from the federal government.  According to CBO, under H.R. 3963, two million children will shift from receiving private health insurance to government health insurance.  This means that they may get worse health care service and become increasingly dependent on the federal government.  In addition, as H.R. 3963 begins to reduce SCHIP funding in 2012, some note that states may shift these children who would be newly eligible for a government program into Medicaid.

Would H.R. 3963 bar illegal immigrants from receiving benefits?

No.  While H.R. 3963 states that “nothing in this Act allows Federal payment for individuals who are not legal residents,” the bill actually weakens existing law by removing the documentation requests under the Deficit Reduction Act (DRA), specifically the burden that citizens and nationals provide documentation proving their citizenship in order to be covered under Medicaid and SCHIP.  Instead, the bill would require that a name and Social Security number be provided as documentation of legal status to acquire coverage and that those names and Social Security numbers be submitted to the Secretary to be checked for validity.    It is unclear what substantive changes were made to the original bill the President vetoed (HR 976) beyond the cosmetic with regard to citizenship certification.  Some conservatives may remain concerned that a Social Security number and name are not sufficient for proof of citizenship.  For instance, according to a recent letter from Social Security Administration Commissioner Michael Astrue, a Social Security number would not keep someone from fraudulently receiving coverage under Medicaid or SCHIP (if they claimed they were someone they were not).

Does H.R. 3963 contain earmarks?

Yes.  H.R. 3963 contains at least three authorizing earmarks.  First, the bill disregards “extraordinary employer pensions” as income.  According to CMS, only one state would fall into this category—Michigan, due to the presence of many auto manufacturers.  In addition, the bill sets the disproportionate share hospital (DSH) allotments for Tennessee at $30 million a year beginning in FY 2008, and sets the DSH allotment increases for Hawaii beginning in FY 2009 and thereafter as the allotments for low DSH states.

Would H.R. 3963 encourage additional SCHIP spending?

Yes.  H.R. 3963 shortens from three to two years the amount of time a state has to spend its annual SCHIP allotment.  Under current law, states are given three years to spend each year’s original allotment, and at the end of the three-year period, any unused funds are redistributed to states that have exhausted their allotment or created a “shortfall,” i.e. commitments beyond the funding available.  In addition, the bill establishes a process through which any unspent funds would be redistributed to any states with a shortfall.  Some conservatives may be concerned that this process provides incentives both for states to spend their allotment quickly and to extend their programs beyond their regular allotments into shortfall, so as to be relieved by the unspent funds of other states.

Do conservatives support the SCHIP program?

Most conservatives support enrollment and funding of the SCHIP program for the populations for whom the SCHIP program was created.  That is why in December the House passed, by a 411—3 vote, legislation reauthorizing and extending the SCHIP program through March 2009.  That legislation included an additional $800 million in funding for states to ensure that all currently eligible children will continue to have access to state-based SCHIP coverage.

Legislative Bulletin: H.R. 3963, Children’s Health Insurnace Program Reauthorization Act

Order of Business:  Today the House will consider the President’s second veto of SCHIP legislation, H.R. 3963.  This bill passed the House by a vote of 265-142 on October 25, 2007, and was vetoed by President Bush on December 12, 2007.  On December 12, 2007, the House by a 211-180 vote postponed consideration of the President’s veto until today.

An earlier version of SCHIP legislation, H.R. 976, was vetoed by President Bush on October 3, 2007.  This bill was originally passed in the House by a vote of 265-159 on September 25, 2007.  On October 18, 2007, the House sustained the President’s veto of H.R. 976 by a vote of 273–156 (needing 2/3 to override a veto).

On December 19, 2007, the House passed by a 411—3 margin S. 2499, which was signed into law by President Bush on December 29, 2007.  This legislation reauthorized the SCHIP program through March 2009, and included $800 million in additional funding to ensure that all states would have sufficient funds to cover existing populations through the 18 months of the authorization.

Summary:  H.R. 3963 reauthorizes and significantly expands the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), while increasing cigarette taxes to supposedly offset the bill’s costs.  The legislation follows closely the recently-vetoed version of SCHIP reauthorization.  Highlights of the revised legislation are as follows:

Cost:  H.R. 3963 provides $35.4 billion over five years and $71.5 billion over ten years in new mandatory spending—this spending is on top of the $25 billion over five years that would result from a straight extension of the program.

The new spending is partially offset by increasing taxes on tobacco products (see below).  However, this CBO score overlooks a major gimmick which the bill employs to lower its costs.  The bill dramatically lowers the SCHIP funding in the fifth year by 84%, from $13.75 billion in the first six months to $1.15 billion.  In all likelihood, such a reduction would not actually take effect, which would make this a gimmick to generate unrealistic savings in order to comply with PAYGO rules.  To that end, H.R. 976 is technically compliant with PAYGO.

Block Grant:  Under current law, a federal block grant is awarded to states, and from the total annual appropriation, every state is allotted a portion for the year according to a statutory formula.  The bill extends the SCHIP block grants from FY 2008-12.  In addition, the bill also creates a new Child Enrollment Contingency Fund capped at 20% of the total annual appropriation, for states that exhaust their allotment by expanding coverage, and Performance Bonus Payments comprised of a $3 million lump sum in FY 2008 plus unspent SCHIP funds in future years.

Expansion to Higher Incomes:  Under current law, states can cover families earning up to 200% of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) or $41,300 for a family of four in 2007 or those at 50% above Medicaid eligibility.  However, states have been able to “disregard” income with regard to eligibility for the program, meaning they can purposefully ignore various types of income in an effort to expand eligibility.  For instance, New Jersey covers up to 350% of FPL by disregarding any income from 200-350%, allowing them to cover beyond 200% with the enhanced federal matching funds that SCHIP provides.

H.R. 3963 increases the eligibility limit to 300% of FPL or $61,950 for a family of four but also continues the current authority for states to define and disregard income.  States which extend coverage beyond 300% of FPL would receive the lower Medicaid match rate.  The bill limits states from expanding their programs above 300% of FPL through an income disregard whereby they block “income that is not determined by type or expense or type of income.”  However, a state could get around this restriction in a host of ways by disregarding specific types of income, such as income paid for rent or transportation or food.  Practically speaking, H.R. 3963 still places no limit on SCHIP eligibility since states can still manipulate the definition of income to expand coverage, and CMS is limited in its ability to reject such determinations. [New Jersey would be grandfathered from this limitation until 2010, but they would then have to ensure that they are in the top ten of states with the highest coverage rate for low-income children.]

Furthermore, Section 116 overturns CMS’ current policy of requiring states to ensure that 95% of the eligible children in their state below 250% of FPL are enrolled before expanding coverage to higher incomes.  As a result, some conservatives may be concerned that this does not adequately ensure that SCHIP funding targets truly low-income children.

Unlike past legislation, the bill would not grandfather New York’s proposed plan (seeking to cover 400% of FPL or $82,600 for a family of four).  However, New York could merely use specific income disregards to effectively cover up to 400% of FPL.  Some conservatives may be concerned that a family with an income of $82,600 will still potentially be eligible for SCHIP funding after this bill is enacted.

Childless Adults:  The earlier bill phased adults off of the program within two years.  H.R. 3963 would remove childless adults from the program (all would be off by 2009), while allowing parents of eligible SCHIP kids to continue receiving healthcare under SCHIP.  According to CBO estimates, there will still be approximately 700,000 (roughly 10% of total SCHIP enrollees) adults (parents of eligible kids and pregnant women) enrolled in SCHIP by 2012.

H.R. 3963 states that no new waivers for non-pregnant childless adults will be granted to states, and any currently existing waivers will be extended through FY 2008 (terminating such waivers at the end of FY 2008).  H.R. 3963 states that any current state waiver for non-pregnant childless adults which expires before January 1, 2009 may be extended until December 31, 2008 to retain all currently covered non-pregnant childless adults on the program until the end of FY 2008.  The bill extends enhanced FMAP to apply to such waivers through December 31, 2008.

H.R. 3963 grants states the opportunity to apply for a Medicaid waiver for non-pregnant childless adults by September 30, 2008, for those whose SCHIP coverage will end December 31, 2008, and requires that the Secretary approve such waivers within 90 days or the application is automatically deemed approved.

Parents:  The bill provides a two year transition period and automatic extension at the state’s discretion through FY 2009 for the currently covered parents of SCHIP eligible/covered kids, and states that no new waivers be granted or renewed to states to cover the parents of SCHIP kids if such waivers do not currently exist.  Similar to what would be done with non-pregnant childless adults, H.R. 3963 states that any current state waiver for parents of SCHIP kids which expires before October 1, 2009 may be extended until September 30, 2009 to retain all currently covered parents on the program until the end of FY 2009.  The bill states that the enhanced FMAP shall apply to these expenditures under an existing waiver for parents of eligible SCHIP kids during FY 2008 and 2009.

H.R. 3963 requires that any state which provides coverage under a currently existing waiver for a parent of an SCHIP child may continue to provide such coverage through FY 2010, 2011, or 2012, but such coverage must be paid for by a block grant funded from the state allotment.  If the state makes the decision to continue the coverage of parents through 2012, the Secretary may set aside for the state for each fiscal year an amount equivalent to the federal share of 110% of the state’s projected expenditures under currently existing waivers.  The Secretary will then pay out such funds quarterly to the state.  States that enhanced FMAP only applies in fiscal year 2010 for states with “significant child outreach or that achieve child coverage benchmarks.”

In addition, H.R. 3963 retains the statement from H.R. 976 that states there shall be no increase in income eligibility level for covered parents (i.e. no expenditures for providing child health assistance or health benefits coverage to a parent of a “targeted low-income child” whose family income exceeds the income eligibility level applied under the applicable existing waiver).

Private Insurance Crowd-Out:  According to CBO, under H.R. 3963, 2 million children will still shift from receiving private health insurance to government health insurance.  This means that they may get worse health care service and become increasingly dependent on the federal government.  In addition, as H.R. 3963 begins to reduce SCHIP funding in 2012 (if such a reduction is actually intended, see above), some have noted that states may shift these children made newly eligible for a government program into Medicaid.  This phenomenon takes place despite a provision in H.R. 3963 to offer a premium assistance subsidy under SCHIP for employer-sponsored coverage.  A qualifying employer-sponsored plan would have to contribute at least 40 percent of the cost of any premium toward coverage.  The bill includes new language requiring the Secretary, in consultation with the states, to measure crowd-out and to develop best practices designed to limit it.  States would then be required to limit SCHIP crowd-out and incorporate those best practices.  However, many conservatives are likely to be concerned that this language is not enough of protection when CBO maintains that two million will lose their health insurance under this bill.

Legal Immigrants and Citizenship Certification:  H.R. 3963 states that “nothing in this Act allows Federal payment for individuals who are not legal residents.”  However, the bill weakens existing law by removing the documentation requests under the Deficit Reduction Act (DRA), specifically the burden that citizens and nationals provide documentation proving their citizenship in order to be covered under Medicaid and SCHIP.  Instead, the bill would require that a name and Social Security number be provided as documentation of legal status to acquire coverage and that those names and Social Security numbers be submitted to the Secretary to be checked for validity.  If a state is notified that a name and Social Security number do not match, the state must contact the individual and request that within 90 days the individual present satisfactory documentation to prove legal status.  During this time, coverage for the individual continues.  If the individual does not provide documentation within 90 days, he is “disenrolled” from the program but maintains coverage for another 30 days (after the 90 days given to come up with proper documentation), giving the individual up to four months of coverage on a false identity.

It is unclear what substantive changes were made to the vetoed bill beyond the cosmetic, with regard to citizenship certification.  Some conservatives may be concerned that a Social Security number and name are not enough for a proof of citizenship and that more documents should be required to determine eligibility.  For instance, according to a recent letter from Social Security Administration Commissioner Michael Astrue, a Social Security number would not keep someone from fraudulently receiving coverage under Medicaid or SCHIP (if they claimed they were someone they were not).  Thus, this bill may allow illegal aliens the opportunity to enroll falsely in Medicaid or SCHIP and retain coverage for an undetermined amount of time before they are disenrolled for lack of proper identification.

Tax Increase:  H.R. 3963 increases the cigarette tax by 61 cents to $1 per pack, and the cigar tax up to $3 per cigar, supposedly generating $35.5 billion over five years and $71.1 billion over ten years.  It is important to note that this is a substantial tax increase on low-income individuals in order to pay for an expansion of SCHIP to higher income levels, which it was not initially designed for.  In addition, this revenue source is constantly declining as fewer and fewer individuals smoke, and since placing a tax on cigarettes will likely deter sales, some have questioned the efficacy of the offset.  According to a study by the Heritage Foundation, “To produce the revenues that Congress needs to fund SCHIP expansion through such a tax would require 22.4 million new smokers by 2017.”  The bill also changes the timing for some corporate estimate tax payments.

Encourages Spending:  H.R. 3963 shortens from three to two years the amount of time a state has to spend its annual SCHIP allotment.  Under current law, states are given three years to spend each year’s original allotment, and at the end of the three-year period, any unused funds are redistributed to states that have exhausted their allotment or created a “shortfall,” i.e. making commitments beyond the funding it has available.  In addition, the bill establishes a process through which any unspent funds would be redistributed to any states with a shortfall.  Some conservatives may be concerned that this process provides incentives both for states to spend their allotment quickly and to extend their programs beyond their regular allotments into shortfall, so as to be relieved by the unspent funds of other states or the new Contingency Fund.

Other Provisions:

  • Disregarding of Pension Contributions as Income.  The bill disregards “extraordinary employer pensions” as income.  According to CMS, only one state would fall into this category—Michigan, due to the auto manufacturers.  Some conservatives may view this as an authorizing earmark.
  •  Name Change.  H.R. 3963 renames the program the “Children’s Health Insurance Program.”
     
  • Medicaid Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) Allotment for TN and HI.  The bill sets the DSH allotments for Tennessee at $30 million a year beginning in FY 2008, and sets the DSH allotment increases for Hawaii, beginning in FY 2009 and thereafter, as the allotments for low DSH states.  Some conservatives may view these provisions as authorizing earmarks.
  • Premium Assistance and Health Savings Accounts.  The bill streamlines procedures for states to provide premium assistance subsidies for children eligible to enroll in employer-sponsored coverage, rather than placing such children in a state-sponsored SCHIP program.  However, all high-deductible health insurance plans and Health Savings Accounts (HSAs) would be ineligible for premium assistance, even if employers and/or states chose to make cash contributions to the HSA up to the full amount of the plan’s high deductible.  Some conservatives may be concerned that these restrictions would undermine the recent growth of HSAs and consumer-driven health care plans.

Does the Bill Expand the Size and Scope of the Federal Government?:  Yes, the bill would expand the SCHIP program by $35 billion over five years and loosen the program’s eligibility requirements.

Does the Bill Contain Any New State-Government, Local-Government, or Private-Sector Mandates?:  A detailed CBO cost estimate with such information is not available.